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Fond du Lac's Black Community and Their Church, 1865-1943
by Sally Albertz

Reverend James B. Rogers
Reverend James B. Rogers

As early as 1619, Dutch ships arrived on the coast of North America carrying a cargo consisting of the first people from Africa destined to be sold into slavery in what would become the United States. It is estimated that, by 1865, Europeans had brought almost a half-million Africans to the shores of the new country.1

Even before the Civil War ended, slaves made their way to the North to what many of them believed would be their new freedom. As the “Contrabands” moved into the Northern states, those Americans living there confronted what was to become for them an overwhelming problem: What should be done with the arriving refugees? 2 Many were not skilled in any sort of labor or industry, and many had served the same owner for years. They had not been allowed to learn to read or write, although a few had done so in secrecy. Where were they to go and what would they do to earn a living? Wisconsin was one of the states to open its doors to the newly freed African-American people.

This influx from the South was, however, not the first time that black people had come to Wisconsin. Records show that much earlier there were a number of blacks enlisted as boat-men, guides, and trappers, as well as interpreters. As the French fur traders entered the lands that would become Wisconsin in the early 1800s, blacks accompanied them, and black people were living in Prairie du Chien, Calumet and Outagamie Counties long before Wisconsin became a state. A census of the Michigan Territory taken in 1835, including Wisconsin, shows ninety-one African-Americans listed. Twenty-seven blacks in that census were noted as slaves, most of whom were owned by Southern officers stationed at Fort Crawford, located above the mouth of the Wisconsin River at Prairie du Chien.3 By 1840, the census reveals that Wisconsin held 185 free blacks and eleven slaves, but ten years later, in 1850, there were no slaves and 635 free blacks. By 1860, the number of free blacks in Wisconsin had climbed to 1,171. Between 1860 and 1870, the number of blacks in all Northern states almost doubled, and by 1870, Wisconsin had 2,113 individual blacks listed in the census.4

During the Civil War, the 14th Wisconsin Volunteers consisted of men from the Fond du Lac area. The Chaplain for Company A of the Regiment was Reverend J. B. Rogers, a minister of the Baptist faith, who had served the people of Fond du Lac for a number of years. Reverend Rogers became ill, and the army reassigned him to Cairo, Illinois to gather clothing, seed, and farm implements for the poor blacks who had mi-grated to the area. The kindly minister was instrumental in bringing a group of former slaves to the Fond du Lac area.

Reverend Rogers lived and worked in the Contraband Camp in Cairo from the autumn of 1862 until spring of 1863, and it seems that during this time he developed great compassion for the former slaves. 5 Cairo is located at the junction of the Ohio and Mississippi Rivers at the southern tip of Illinois. From the beginning of the Civil War, it had been a major supply depot for the Union, especially since it was the final stop for the Illinois Central Railroad. Built on a peninsula, with a levee surrounding the town, Cairo had a population of almost 7,000 in 1863. Because the city was below the level of the two great rivers, steam-powered pumps were constantly at work, removing water from the town.6

Cairo was noted for its mud and for its thousands of rats. Reverend Rogers noted that the mud had a “wonderful tenacity–takes you deep down and holds you fast!” In re-gard to the rats, he stated that they were everywhere, even in parlors, where they left un-mistakable signs they had visited.7 It was into this terrible situation that hundreds of Con-trabands made their way. Within Cairo was the Freedman’s School, in which Reverend Rogers served and that had the goal of educating the newly freed blacks. Rogers discovered that they were quick to learn, and that they had never formed the habit of swearing. He marveled that twenty memorized the alphabet their first day in school and felt that they could learn as easily as white children; therefore he supported educating the blacks. He also found that they responded to religion easily. Classes started with sixty blacks, and by the time Reverend Rogers left, over 400 people had been taught in the school.8

Knowing the background of Reverend Rogers and his sympathy for black people, it should not be surprising that he would help a group of them make their way to Fond du Lac, Wisconsin. Newspaper articles of the day noted that, as a great crowd of people congregated at the train depot, a “car-load” of ex-slaves arrived at the Fond du Lac depot, chaperoned by Reverend Rogers. Word had spread throughout the area that anyone who wanted to “engage a contraband” or to help in any way should be at the depot. After the excitement had died down, local women served the weary travelers a welcome meal. They were then given rooms at the American Hotel until they could be hired out. 9 The $4,000 American Hotel, located on the corner of Main and Court Streets, was a three-story wooden building containing forty-five bedrooms. 10 Reverend Rogers went back to his Civil War unit as a chaplain after he delivered the Contrabands to Fond du Lac. He died a short time later, in 1863. 11

The newspaper article that described the ex-slaves’ arrival stated that, while the black arrivals were “timid,” they should not be alarmed at the ways of the North. The author also made it clear that this was a temporary situation, intended to last only until their masters were subdued. Then the former slaves would return to their “more congenial clime.” From this statement one may infer that many in the North truly believed that the black population would not remain, but would return to the South when the war was over. Many Fond du Lac men were fighting a war because of opposition to slavery, yet racial attitudes against having a black population in Fond du Lac were common. At this time, Fond du Lac County boasted a population of 10,000, of whom 8,090 lived within the city.

A few days later, an article in the same newspaper noted that there were approxi-mately seventy-five men, women, and children who had arrived at the railway depot a few nights before, and that most of them came from plantations located in Franklin County, Alabama. The author believed that the Contrabands were doing nothing more than exchanging a Southern master for a Northern master. The news article stated that people should “take and use them–give them compensation as you see fit–if you abuse them the government will take them away and give them to someone else.” The article accused the Democrats of trying to make political “capital” out of the incident. 12 With a Republican President, Abraham Lincoln, in office, the Democrats seized any problem regarding the ex-slaves to discredit him.

Within a week, all but twenty of the former slaves had found employment and families for whom they could work. The twenty that remained wanted to keep their fami-lies together, and they had a more difficult time finding someone who could afford to hire the entire family. 13

An account of the former slaves’ experiences, based on oral testimony of a parti-cipant, has survived. Zona Gale, a Portage, Wisconsin author who won many awards for her writing, wrote an article for the Fond du Lac Commonwealth Reporter in October 1933. In her article, Gale explained that Reverend Rogers was her great uncle. Her article resulted from a visit to Fond du Lac that she had made with the son of Reverend Rogers, the Reverend Mr. James Linius Rogers of Chicago. The pair had come to Fond du Lac to explore the possibility that someone might remember Reverend Rogers or the location of the old Baptist Church. They visited the home of Mrs. Frances Shirley, one of the ex-slaves whom Reverend Rogers had brought to Fond du Lac.

Mrs. Shirley remembered Reverend Rogers well, and she explained that, while they were in Cairo, army chaplains were asked to write home to see if their communities would accept a number of the ex-slaves. Mrs. Shirley believed that the “city fathers” in Fond du Lac stated they would be able to find work for 150 Contrabands.

She recollected that there were some people in Fond du Lac who resented blacks being brought into the community. One night, someone threw a rock through the Reverend Rogers’ window, and it fell between the Reverend and his wife as they lay sleeping. This incident apparently troubled Mrs. Shirley enough to remain in her memory, despite the passage of many years. Perhaps it had made her aware for the first time that racial tensions had not been left behind when she boarded the railroad car that brought her to the North. 14

A number of years before Reverend Rogers brought the seventy-some Contra-bands to Fond du Lac, Joshua Goss apparently served as an agent for the Underground Railroad. 15 His land, according to the 1862 plat map, lay west of Fond du Lac along what is now Highway 23, and it consisted of 40 acres in Section 8, and the same amount in Section 9. 16 Joshua brought a few of the black families to his farm, where he built log cabins for them and tried to find them work, but he depleted his own meager fortune to the point that, at his death, he was penniless. 17

Reverend Rogers’ contingent was only a small part of the large movement of ex-slaves to the Northern states. In September 1862, the Commander of the Cairo District, Brigadier General J. M. Tuttle, notified the Secretary of War that a substantial number of black women and children were going to be sent to the North by General Grant. That group consisted of wives and children of ex-slaves whom Grant employed in the army that he commanded. There was widespread concern among Northerners that the blacks would take jobs vacated by husbands, brothers, and sons who were serving as Union soldiers. Many believed that the black population should be left in the South, not only to help the Union soldiers, but also to farm the land vacated by their former masters. 18

By the early 1870s there were two other large Negro communities in Wisconsin: Pleasant Ridge, in Grant County near Lancaster, and Cheyenne Valley, located in north-eastern Vernon County. Through a lack of employment, open racial hostility, or total indifference by the white population, the Contrabands found that the North did not particularly welcome them, and as a result their numbers soon dwindled in most com-munities in Wisconsin. 19

As these African-Americans settled into their new life in Fond du Lac, they evolved into a tightly knit community. They lived in a small area, close to each other, centered on West Twelfth Street. Mrs. Shirley, the last of the former slaves to live in Fond du Lac, gave an idea of what those first years were like for the former slaves during an interview. 20 Her husband, Charles Shirley, started the first prayer meeting. It was held in a private residence, that of Billy Jones, on Morris Street, sometime during 1863. During 1865, an unnamed man came to the Fond du Lac church from Michigan, bringing $200 from his previous church. These funds were used in starting the Fond du Lac branch of the church conference.

During the time that they were using private homes for church services, the city of Fond du Lac offered the “little white court house” for a temporary place of worship. Mrs. Shirley explained that this building was located on the same spot where Court House park is located today. The black community used this facility for two years. During that time, money was donated by people in the Fond du Lac area in order to help the group build a church. One of the largest contributors was Mr. Pettibone and his son, who owned Pettibone’s Dry Goods, located on the corner of Forest Avenue and Main Street. Mr. Pettibone had made his fortune from eleven dry good stores located in various Wisconsin towns. Having made his fortune, he moved to the Fond du Lac area and settled there permanently. 21

Land records at the Fond du Lac County Court House show that the first piece of property bought by the ex-slaves for a church was in 1868, a purchase from Colwert K. Pier and Kate Pier, his wife. 22 The Pier family were among the first group of settlers in the Fond du Lac area. Colwert K. Pier, son of the original settler, and his wife probably received the land on a patent from the U.S. Government. The trustees, representing their church, the First Union Freedman Society of Fond du Lac, consisted of Washington Lindsley, Washington Skinner, William Jones, William Ruglan, and Lewis Ruglan. The piece of land that they purchased was sold to them for $300, and they went to O.C. Steenburg to borrow the money to pay for it. They put up their land, lot 64 in the Pier Addition, for collateral. The land was located next to the East Branch of the Fond du Lac River. Actually it was almost in the river, because it was basically swampland. Lot 64 was and is located on the west side of the Fond du Lac River. There was no access to it, except by crossing the river from West Eleventh Street.

The church building itself had to be built on stilts. 23 A pencil sketch, drawn by an unknown artist, can be found in a scrapbook at the Adams House Resource Center, the research facility of the Fond du Lac County Historical Society. Mrs. Shirley explained that when the river became high, it usually washed away the bridge leading to the church, so they could not have services until the waters receded. The first year the bridge was swept away, the city came to their rescue, donating $40 to rebuild the bridge. The following spring the bridge was again washed away, and needless to say, the city did not donate any more money to rebuild the bridge. 24

To build their first church, the group had to go through other people’s property to gain access to their land. During Mrs. Shirley’s interview, she acknowledged that the lot was purchased from Colonel Pier, but that he did not want to give them the deed for lot 64. To get the deed, Judge Griffin had to “stand good” for the church to get it. She further stated that “Judge Griffin was the man who went to law with Colonel Pier” to obtain the deed. 25

On April 21, 1887, E. B. Ingram and his wife Nancy, sold lot 41, Pier’s Addition, to the Trustees of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church of Fond du Lac. Anderson Reece, Peter Johnson, and Louis Gaines were listed as trustees on the deed. This lot was also located on West Eleventh Street but it was on the east side of the river, high and dry. 26 Soon after, on July 14, 1888, the three trustees sold the old swampy lot to Peter Johnson, one of the trustees, for $30. 27 Descendents of Peter Johnson eventually lost the land through non-payment of taxes, and, in 1951, it was purchased by a neighbor for $10.00.

During June 1919, a local land speculator, Joseph P. Goebel, bought ten pieces of land at public auction for the sum of $16.40. This was the total amount owed for back taxes on these plots. Among those listed was Lot 41, where the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church of Fond du Lac had built their church in 1887. In April 1922, Goebel sold the land back to the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church for the amount of $9.30. That is probably the amount they had owed in back taxes. 28 What happened in the years between 1919, when Goebel bought the lot, and 1922, when he sold it back to the Church? Were they allowed to use the building for services? Were they required to pay rent? These questions will probably never be answered.

Revival meetings, as well as prayer meetings, were a common occurrence, and these activities were duly reported in the local newspapers. 29 During an interview, “Uncle Billy,” William Jones, one of the church trustees, told the newspaper reporter that “some of the people had religion so hard that it took four men to hold them down and keep them from break-ing everything in the house.” 30 The black community also held debates at the Opera Hall, collecting admission to benefit their church. During March 1879, the charge of admission was fifteen cents to “gain entrance to the scene of logic and music. 31

The church members were not without financial problems, and this fact was liberally stated in the newspapers of the day. During March 1879, they tried to collect money to pay off a debt of $329.50. Their minister was able to collect only $30.04 to apply toward it. Apparently someone had raised the question whether the minister, Mr. Brown, was completely honest, but the trustees hastened to assure everyone that he was indeed an honest man. Only Mr. Brown had the privilege of collecting money for the church, and anyone else collecting was probably pocketing the money. It was stated, however, that anyone who had kept money meant for the church would be forgiven if the money made its way to the church. 32

In March 1879, a debate held by Fond du Lac’s white population was held at the Opera House in Fond du Lac. Lecturers were sought to discuss the topic: “Resolved, That the colored population would be more benefited by colonization than by their present condition.” Charles Coleman opened the debate with the idea that the colored citizens should move to the Territories or Western States because they would be able to “improve and increase in intelligence.” It had been only thirteen years since the Contra-bands had stepped off the train in Fond du Lac, Wisconsin to their new “freedom.”

Following those remarks, Van Spence, one of the local Negroes, stood up to de-fend his brothers. He stated that the men wanting to colonize colored citizens knew that they were not capable of self-government. He went on to say,

Thirteen years ago, when Mr. Rogers first brought us to Fond du Lac, we couldn’t walk along the street without having someone jeering at us and calling out ‘Sambo, take that chalk out of your eye,’ or some-thing of that kind. In that thirteen years the four and one-half millions of slaves turned loose have advanced nobly in intelligence and general prosperity . . . and it leads to the conclusion that to keep the colored people among the whites will give the best development. 33

Josh Davis then took the podium in defense of his white friends, saying

He has much to say about being called a ‘nigger.’ Well, if he was colonized into a country or territory he could not hear the word ‘nigger.’ . . . I hold that the colored people of America would be better colonized in a Western Territory, an Eastern Territory, or some Northern Territory . . . it would be best to go West, for if they would go any further North they would freeze to death! 34

The following week, the Negro debate team challenged debaters from the village of Lamartine, located a few miles southwest of Fond du Lac, to a joint discussion. The subject was to be “Resolved: that the Negro has suffered more at the hands of the white man than the Indian.” The challenge was accepted, and the debate must have been lively! According to the newspaper, the eight marshals who were appointed to keep the peace wore stars cut from oyster cans. The “disturbance” that took place before the debate was over led to fines being imposed on a number of both black and white participants the following day at the local court. The newspaper account did not mention names. The event was largely attended, and it was noted that many were local ladies. 35

During 1921, people “from Oshkosh,” possibly a branch of the Methodist Church, offered their help to the black church. The Zion Church in Fond du Lac had had many pastors, most of whom did not stay more than a year and many of whom left with amounts of cash meant for the church’s benefit. The group from Oshkosh helped by repairing the building and “banking up” the church. According to Mrs. Shirley, “they fixed it up nice and warm . . . put new curtains up and worked with us.” The help continued for over two years. The next group to offer their help to the church was a group of Pente-costals from the Rosendale area. They bought 105 chairs for the church as well as an organ and a pulpit.

After a few years, members of Zion Church made up their minds to sell the church, but before they could do that, James Matthews, a member of the church, sold it without the knowledge of the rest of the members. The African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church of Fond du Lac was a charter member of the Michigan annual Conference; the Bishop was George C. Clement, and the Elder was Reverend S. Samuels. Both were located in the Chicago area. Mrs. Shirley claimed that James Matthews wrote to the bishop and told him that the church was “going to rack.” 36 According to the deed for the church, James Matthews indicated his signature by placing his mark, an X, denoting that he probably could not read or write. The question then arises, that if a letter was written to the Bishop, and Matthews was illiterate, who wrote the letter?

According to Mrs. Shirley, “they were tearing it down before we knew it. They had the roof tore off it, and Maud come and told me what they were doing. She said don’t you know they have sold the church and I said no, I didn’t know it.” She went on to say that “the presiding elder gets the money and was gone.” This elder in all probability was the James Matthews previously mentioned. Thinking that Matthews would head to Chicago, a telephone call was made to St. Matthew’s Church in Chicago. They had hoped to “head him off, but he had kept on going.” Mrs. Shirley went on to say that a local man “put him up a house out of the church lumber, which he didn’t pay nothing for it either, and the last time I saw the man, he had lost it, he was crying and he told me. So, I said to him, nothing from nothing leaves nothing.” 37

The land transaction for this final sale was recorded on July 6, 1927, and the record shows that the trustees of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church sold the church and land to Kate Pier McIntosh for one dollar. In a sworn affidavit, the court clerk stated that appearing before him was George C. Clement, Bishop of the Michigan Annual Conference, Reverend S. Samuels, Elder of the Chicago District, James Matthews, Wilton H. Shirley, and Julian Harris as well as Mrs. Frances Shirley. Their names and marks, in the form of “X,” were made on the document. Witnesses to the signatures of the trustees and Mrs. Shirley were C. M. Downs, Anna E. Schribener, and Caroline Roemer, a sister to Kate Pier McIntosh, the purchaser. 38 According to Mrs. Shirley, she and her son Wilton knew nothing of this sale, yet his signature and her mark are shown on the deed. Julian Harris, another trustee, also signed, and James Matthews made his mark. 39

In November 1915, the membership of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church stood at approximately twenty members, and by the time of the sale, it probably was even fewer. 40 We can only imagine their discouragement. They had been cheated out of church and land by one of their own members, who had possibly been paid a good amount “under the table,” before he disappeared. So many problems had plagued the little church from the beginning, including frequent changes in minister and the disputes during church meetings that had sometimes required the intervention of the local authorities to restore order.

At one of the congregational meetings, a dispute over an allowance of money to be given to the then pastor, Mr. Bensil, occurred. The congregation wanted to know the purpose for which the money was to be used. The argument grew heated, and Dan Brown threatened that there would be silence or he would remove those causing the ruckus. When someone said that Dan “wasn’t big enough to put me out,” the real trouble began. 41 It was only a week later that another rumpus was noted in which several women of the congregation objected to having their names put on a list as “backsliders.” 42 The women who “engaged in the disturbance at the church Sunday evening . . . were [each] fined $5.00 and the costs.” Enough was paid in security to keep them from going to jail, but the fines had to be paid on the installment plan. 43

Most of the congregation conducted themselves and their meetings with dignity and calm. However, there were always those little flies in the ointment, such as an inci-dent that took place during March 1880. The congregation had called a meeting for a special purpose, “and outsiders knew enough to keep away, with one exception. ‘Dat Liz Williams was dar, and she persisted in putting in her lip,’” much to the interruption of business. She was called upon to “take a walk” by the pastor and elders, but “defied them to do their badest . . . whispering that ‘no dang black coon’ could put her out.” 44 At this point Dan Brown called upon the Chief of Police, and Officer Commo was dis-patched with all haste, but she had left by the time he arrived. 45

The church needed money, and Elder Dan Brown, sometimes called Reverend, made his way not only through Fond du Lac to collect funds, but traveled as far as Wausau, Milwaukee, and Eau Claire. His presence in those cities was duly noted in those cities’ newspapers as well as the local Fond du Lac papers. The church had a large debt of approximately $300, and he wanted to solicit enough funds to pay it off. Acceptance of the Reverend Brown was varied, but in Wausau, a German newspaper stated that “lately a colored reverend, named Brown, was in this city collecting for his Fond du Lac church and upon being asked whether everything was peaceable and harmonious in his congregation he replied: ‘Oh, yes!, but the Dutch fight like hell.’” 46 At Eau Claire, he attempted to lecture, but on being introduced, the audience was so noisy that the person who introduced him suggested that the Reverend should dance them a jig. The audience walked out. 47 All in all, as a result of his tour of Wisconsin, as of the middle of March, he had collected $117.09, and could therefore pay a $20 installment on the mortgage. That amount was paid to E.B. Ingram, while the rest of the money went to pay several smaller debts. 48

During the spring of 1880, after Dan Brown had collected for the church, the pastor, George Benson, decided to explain to the public exactly how much the church was in debt and precisely for what purpose the public was asked to contribute their money and support. He told the reporter that the financial matters of the Church have been “kept in the dark,” and as for the members, “they say the preacher is the cause of all the trouble.” 49 Apparently finding himself in hot water after these statements to the press, Elder George Benson gave a detailed financial report to the newspaper. 50

By the end of April, it was reported that “the Reverend Mr. Benson, who despite the repeated assurance that he isn’t wanted about, always turns up in the pulpit of the church, like a jack-in-the-box.” Finally, one Sunday morning, shortly after this state-ment, the church body remained after services and voted to lock the church so that Reverend Benson could not preach that evening. Only one family and one trustee left with Benson before the meeting. The vote was unanimous that “Benson must go.”

In the meantime, Benson had announced that he would indeed preach that Sunday night. He went so far as to send the Chief of Police a message that there should be an officer present at the church that evening to “keep peace.” A reporter for the newspaper arrived at the church before the officer and watched from a distance, but there was no one to be seen. Suddenly, after it had turned dark, the lights went on in the church, and there was Benson, in the pulpit. Dan Brown appeared to confront Benson, but “Officer Commo delivered the sermon . . .‘he would keep peace if he had to break somebody’s head to do it!’” Both sides withdrew. 51

Notice was put in the newspaper regarding the fact that Reverend George Benson was no longer pastor in charge of Zion Church. The next day, a rebuttal from Benson stated that, because he was appointed by the conference, they were the only body that could remove him. 52 Two days later, it was reported that the colored people of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church had withdrawn from their conference, stating that they would be known as the Colored Methodist Church of Fond du Lac from that day on. 53 In that way they finally succeeded in ridding themselves of the Reverend Mr. Benson.

Ten years later, in August 1900, the church had apparently affiliated again with the Methodist Episcopal Zion Conference, because the Fond du Lac church hosted a very large conference. Representative ministers from all over the U.S. attended, some from as far away as Salisbury, North Carolina, and Rochester, New York. The conference took place from Thursday through Monday evening. Churches within the city of Fond du Lac, as well as Mayor Hoskins, welcomed the African-American people who were attending. Both the Congregational Church and the Methodist Church invited the black ministers to give sermons in their churches that Sunday morning. The entire city was invited to attend the meetings and prayer services. Afterwards, tables heaped with wonderful food pre-pared by women of the church were available for those attending. A reception for Bishop George C. Clement was held the last day, and, for a special treat, Yoel Yoseph, a Turk living in Fond du Lac, appeared in traditional Turkish costume and gave a speech explaining the ways of his native land. 54

Census reports of the 1800s and early 1900s indicate that the Contrabands were generally employed as domestics, barbers, or laborers, and some were farm hands. A great many of the non-white people were listed as mulattoes, possibly offspring of the plantation owners. The 1860 census shows that Waupun and Ripon, both within Fond du Lac County, had more blacks resident at that time than did the city of Fond du Lac. The greatest concentration of blacks in Fond du Lac County in the 1860 census was in the Township of Taycheedah, which listed two large farm families.

The 1870 census for Fond du Lac city, reflecting the arrival of the Contrabands, lists thirty-seven households, consisting of 174 blacks, living in the First, Third, and Fifth Wards of Fond du Lac. Many were listed as mulattoes. By the time the 1880 census was carried out, the black families had spread into other wards. Whereas previously they had lived near their church on West Twelfth Street, their zone of residence had expanded to include an area east of Main Street, on Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Streets. 55 Some of the younger people listed as mulattoes in the 1900 and 1910 census married into either white or Indian families. Those married to whites were listed in the 1920 census as white. The 1920 census shows that many blacks had left the Fond du Lac area, and those who remained were listed as pursuing occupations such as porter, maid, washer woman, janitor, or laborer. 56

In the late 1800s, some of the blacks in Fond du Lac opened their own businesses. Charley Johnson owned a saloon known as Astor Hall, and it was reported that it was one of the first in Fond du Lac of “modern style.” It was described as a billiard bar, with a back room for cards. The first barbershop in Fond du Lac was located on Main Street, owned by John Reilly, said to be “a darky with an Irish name.” John had married an Indian woman, and many times their home, located behind the shop, was the scene of Indian “pow-wows.” Reilly or his wife would sneak out and obtain liquor, illegally pro-vided to Indians according to the laws of the day, for those attending sessions that often lasted until morning hours. 57

In July 1918, a movie studio, run by blacks, built a large stage near Luco (now on Highway 151 North between Lakeside Park and Roosevelt Park). Called the Ebony Film Company, they produced their first film, a comedy called “Catastrophe Cassie.” Two carloads of scenery were installed on a stage measuring 100 x 80 feet. Twenty-five people were working at the company, and they planned to produce two pictures a week. “Catastrophe Cassie” was to be shown in a local theater upon its release. Directing much of the filming was W. N. Buckley, a former producer of the Keystone comedies. 58

An interesting wedding took place in 1899 at the African Methodist Evangelical Zion Church, and the local newspaper carried an account of the event. The two who were married were William Jones, also known as Uncle Billy, who stated that he was 179 years old, and his bride, Mrs. Louisa Davis, who claimed to be just over the century mark. Many had to stand outside the church, because it was too small for the number of people attending–a group in which there were more white faces than black. Each chair had two or three occupants, and other latecomers had to slide in through the windows in order to view the ceremony. Notable white attendees arrived early to get front seats in the church, and the reporter stated that, because of so many “swell” guests, the genial janitor’s “wooly head was very nearly turned.” This patronizing racist attitude was typical of reports of the time. Reverend Muggage performed the ceremony, the marriage being the fifth for Uncle Billy, but probably only the second for his bride. A reception was held in the church for several hours, with the beaming couple seated on chairs in front of the pulpit. Sandwiches and coffee were served. The reporter also stated that, at the door of the church, admission of ten cents a head was charged, with the proceeds going to the newlyweds to start their new life. 59

During 1903, the black community in Fond du Lac was active, in that they spon-sored debates, hosted speakers, and were quick to help someone in need. The Charity Club, formed by the black women of the community, had as its objective to give aid to needy families or individuals. As an example, a benefit after a meeting of the Club realized the amount of $6.30 for Mrs. Angie Raglin, who had been sick for three months. 60 On August 1, 1917, two hundred black delegates attended the second annual convention of the Co-operative Development and Progressive Association in Fond du Lac. This organization was made up of “colored people of Wisconsin, founded for the purpose of advancing racial development, adjustment, progress and efficiency among the colored people of the state.” Prominent men from Fond du Lac and other cities in Wisconsin addressed the assembly. 61

During the 1920s, the United States saw the revival of the Ku Klux Klan, and even Fond du Lac did not escape the effects of its shadow. Membership in the Klan in Fond du Lac was over 1,000, according to the head of the Wisconsin group, although it has always been common for such groups to engage in wild inflation of their secret membership rolls. It was said that many of the most influential businessmen and pro-fessionals from the Fond du Lac area were members. Leaders of the Klan offered speeches to those who were interested in the Klan, and many attended the meetings, including women. 62 In March 1924, over 1,500 people crowded into Armory E to listen to the goals of the order, purposes that actually boiled down to simple white supreme-acy. 63 The following month, in April, six wooden crosses were burned on the streets of Fond du Lac. Locations of the cross burnings were at Lincoln and Division, Fourth, east of Main, Scott east of Main, Five Points (now Military and Western), and on West First Street, near Darling Place. All of these burnings were areas where the black population of the city lived. Each cross was composed of oil-soaked burlap wrapped on a frame made out of double two-by-fours that were six feet high by four feet across. Fond du Lac was not the only area to have such cross burnings. North Fond du Lac and Ripon also reported incidents in their communities. 64

Things seemed to quiet down for a few months, but then, in July 1924, the Klan held a large meeting and initiation in Van Dyne, several miles north of Fond du Lac. Klansmen from both Oshkosh and Fond du Lac attended. The meeting drew more than 300 people, and 75 new members were initiated into the Ku Klux Klan. A huge cross was burned, and it was said that it could be seen across the waters of Lake Winnebago. 65

No mention is made of the black community or their feelings regarding the acti-vities of the Klan. There were those citizens in Fond du Lac who absolutely condemned the KKK and all that it stood for. 66 One of these organizations was the High Y Club of the local Y.M.C.A. They openly expressed their disgust with those who would join the Klan. Then, in September 1924, the Klan sponsored a meeting using a tent on South Main Street. The newspaper of the day named two Fond du Lac workers at the Klan meeting that day, the Reverend J. W. Leonard and W. P. Charles, who was the prime organizer of the event. 67

In July 1926, the Klan planned a two-day “Klonvokation” just south of the city on Park Avenue, scheduled to take place during the 4th of July holiday. Tents were set up and plans for meetings and a celebration were made. The Klan decided to use guards, armed with rifles and shotguns, who would stay on duty all night. Security was employed because Klan tents had been burned by those opposed to them during meetings in two Wisconsin cities, Hudson and Marinette. That same day, a parade of 5,000 Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, their wives, and children took place. The procession started at the tent grounds, moved northward on Park Avenue, turned at Sheboygan Street to Main, then on Main Street to Fifteenth Street, returning to the tented grounds at Seventeenth and Park. Thousands lined the streets to watch, and it was observed that as many women were in the parade as men. Afterwards, as many as 5,000 to 8,000 people flocked to the grounds to join in the festivities. The evening ended with a huge flaming cross, which lit up the entire grounds. 68

Was it coincidence that, only a few months later, the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church on West Eleventh Street was sold under suspicious circumstances? Could some of those “influential people” among the local Klan membership be those who bought the land for one dollar? According to the Klan, a women’s group had been formed, “Women of the KKK,” and it was very active. 69 Perhaps prominent women from Fond du Lac were members.

Over the years the black population had decreased for many reasons, but after the church was sold, even more left the area. There is evidence in the census enumerations of 1910 and 1920 that perhaps some of the younger women of the black community had married into families in the surrounding Fond du Lac area. There were several who married members of the Brothertown and Stockbridge Indian tribes.

The last of the Contrabands to live in Fond du Lac was Mrs. Frances Shirley. She had married Charles Shirley after she arrived in Fond du Lac with the group of former slaves whom Reverend Rogers had brought to the area. Frances and Charles lived on Dixie Street, named in honor of the large number of black families who lived in the area. Charles, born in 1834, had been sold on the auction block as a slave, according to his obituary, and he was very young when he came to America aboard a slave ship. 70 It was also stated that for a short time he had been a slave on the plantation of General Robert E. Lee. From there he was sold to a Kentucky slaveowner and remained there until, during the Civil War, he was among the first to escape to the North. 71

Charles was blind for twenty years prior to his death, but he managed to live a full life despite his handicap. According to his wife, he could walk all over the city. Even though he got lost at times, he eventually made his way home. He filled in as the preacher at the African Methodist Evangelical Zion Church when they were without a pastor, which was often enough. He was very active in the Church and claimed never to have missed church service on Sundays. When “Father” Shirley, as he was called, died, the entire church was draped with black mourning cloth, even the chair that he had used every Sunday. 72

Mrs. Shirley died in 1943 at the age of 95. She was born September 5, 1847, on the plantation of Colonel Jack Harris. That plantation was located in Russelville, in Franklin County, Alabama. When the Civil War started, she was a girl of fourteen. She and her mother, Evelyn Harris, escaped with the help of Union soldiers, eventually arriv-ing at Fond du Lac. In the course of several interviews by local newspapers, Mrs. Shirley told an interesting story of her youth. After being smuggled through Southern lines, she and her mother came to Fond du Lac after several weeks of travel. They had been shifted from town to town, sometimes riding on the top of freight trains. When she was asked about the cruelty of slavery, she made a very moderate reply, explaining that some masters were good to their slaves, while others were not. What she considered her “most terrible memories” took place when the plantation owners realized that the Civil War had actually begun, and they became panic-stricken, frightening their slaves. Many plantation owners burned their fields to prevent Union soldiers or “Yankees,” as they

Mrs. Frances Shirley
Mrs. Frances Shirley

were known, from having them. She told of the fear experienced while staying hidden in a cave for many days to avoid the bloodshed. 73

“Grandma” Shirley, as she was known, worked for many prominent Fond du Lac families. She was cook, domestic, and governess to their children. Even though employ-ed most of the time, she found time to raise ten children of her own, and she outlived her husband and all of her children. She spent the last few years of her life at the County Home, and she enjoyed remembering the past with those who would take the time to listen. She was buried at Estabrooks Cemetery, with the Reverend F. M. Morse of the First Baptist Church officiating. 74

Her death in 1943 marked the end of an era for Fond du Lac County, which at one time had the largest black population in the State of Wisconsin. Fond du Lac, along with other Northern States, could not accept the presence of a black population without re-sorting to racism, even though many in the North had gone to war to stop slavery. They expected too much from the blacks in too short a time. The blacks had no skills, because few had been taught anything but cotton farming and a labor-gang approach to agriculture. They were illiterate, because they were not allowed to learn to read or write. They had come from what today might be called a “developing” country, and they were thrust into a culturally alien society that considered them animals or worse. The Fond du Lac Contrabands had tried. They came to the city with high hopes for freedom, and most had found productive work. A church had been built with high expectations, only to be sold under questionable circumstances and without the knowledge of its members. Some succeeded, opening their own businesses, while others, especially mulattoes with lighter coloration, were able to “pass,” blending into the white community and thereby escaping the stigma of race. But in the end, a large black community, full of life, laughter, and music, and once a part of Fond du Lac, vanished. Its people left or disappeared, one by one, until only one was left, a proud grandmotherly lady named Mrs. Shirley.

 

1 - Zachary Cooper, Black Settlers in Rural Wisconsin (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1977), 4. return

2 - Frazar Kirkland, Anecdotes and Incidents of the War of the Rebellion (Hartford: Hartford Publishing, 1866), 102. When Colonel Malory, a Confederate, demanded (under a flag of truce) the return of his escaped slaves under the Fugitive Slave Law, General Benjamin Butler stated that this sort of property “ought not to be regarded as contraband?” This supposedly was the origin of the term and became common when discussing ex-slaves. return

3 - Cooper, 3. return

4 - Cooper, 4. return

5 - Rev. J. B. Rogers, War Pictures, Experiences and Observations of a Chaplain in the U.S. Army in the War of the Southern Rebellion (Chicago: Church & Goodman, 1863), 211. return

6 - Rogers, 212-213. return

7 - Rogers, 214. return

8 - Rogers, 215-218. return

9 - “The Contrabands,” Fond du Lac Weekly Commonwealth, October 1862. return

10 - The History of Fond du Lac County, Wisconsin (Chicago: Western Historical Company, 1880). return

11 - “Four Former Slaves In City Recall Days of Bondage And Elder Rogers Movement,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, April 1924. return

12 - “Arrival of Contrabands,” Fond du Lac Saturday Reporter, no. 3, October 1862, 1. return

13 - “Contraband Electioneering,” Fond du Lac Weekly Commonwealth, 10, no. 4, October 1862. return

14 - “Noted Author Visits City, Writes of Experiences In Tracing Family’s History,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth Reporter, Oct 13, 1933, 3. return

15 - Bill Hooker, “Fond du Lac, Its Sawmills and Freedmen-A Sketch,” The Wisconsin Magazine of History v. 16, no. 1 (September 1932), 425. return

16 - Sally Powers Albertz, Index to the 1862 Map of Fond du Lac County, Wisconsin (Fond du Lac County Historical Society). return

17 - Bill Hooker, “Fond du Lac, Its Sawmills and Freedmen–A Sketch,” The Wisconsin Magazine of History v. 16, no. 1 (September 1932), 425-426. return

18 - “Sending Negro Women and Children North” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, September 1862, 3. return

19 - Robert C. Nesbit, The History of Wisconsin, (Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1985), 436-438. return

20 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

21 - Karen Padley, “Pettibone’s Was Once Hub of Downtown Area” Fond du Lac Times, April 27, 1977, 2. return

22 - Fond du Lac, Wisconsin Register of Deeds, Land Records, January 10, 1868, v. 49, 540. return

23 - Ruth Shaw Worthing, The History of Fond du Lac County As Told By Its Place Names (Oshkosh: Globe Printing, 1976). return

24 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

25 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

26 - Fond du Lac Register of Deeds, Land Records, April 21, 1887, v. 96, 291. return

27 - Fond du Lac Register of Deeds, Land Records, July 14, 1888, v. 138, 220. return

28 - Fond du Lac Register of Deeds, Land Records, April 1, 1922, v. 205, 349. return

29 - Fond du Lac Commonwealth, January 30, 1879, 3. return

30 - Fond du Lac Commonwealth, February 7, 1879, 4. return

31 - Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 11, 1879, 4. return

32 - Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 7, 1879, 4. return

33 - “On Colonization,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 21, 1879, 4. return

34 - “On Colonization,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 21, 1879, 4. return

35 - Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 29, 1879, 4. return

36 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

37 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

38 - Concerning Lot 41, it is interesting to note that a few years later Kate Pier McIntosh, Caroline Pier Roemer, and Harriet Pier Somonds, all sisters and lawyers, sold the lot to Tri County Land Company in Milwaukee for $1.00. (Register of Deeds, Land Records, November 18, 1930, v. 237, page 435). More research is needed to determine if Kate, Caroline, and Harriet actually were Tri-County Land Company. return

39 - Register of Deeds, Land Records, July 6, 1927, v. 226, 419. return

40 - “Fond du Lac Spends Large Sums In Its Religious Work,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, November 15, 1915, 1. return

41 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, December 22, 1879, 4. return

42 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, December 29, 1879, 4. return

43 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, December 30, 1879, 4. return

44 - Liz Williams may have been one of the many mulattoes living within the black community, hence the “black coon” statement. return

45 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 23, 1880, 4. return

46 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, February 3, 1880, 4. return

47 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 9, 1880, 4. return

48 - “Local News,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 17, 1880, 4. return

49 - “Elder George Benson,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, March 24, 1880, 4. return

50 - “The A.M.E. Church,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, April 6, 1880, 4. return

51- “Benson Must Go,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, April 26, 1880, 4. return

52 - “Elder George Benson,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, April 28, 1880, 4. return

53 - “Concerning The Colored Church,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, April 30, 1880, 4. return

54 - “The Conference Began Today,” Fond du Lac Commonwealth, August 28, 1900, 3. return

55 - Bureau of the Census, 1880 Census of Fond du Lac County (Washington, D.C., 1880). return

56 - Bureau of the Census, 1920 Census of Fond du Lac County (Washington, D.C., 1920). return

57 - A.T. Glaze, Incidents and Anecdotes of Early Days and History of Business (1905), 164, 200. return

58 - “Ebony Studio Now In Full Swing,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, July 8, 1918, 5. return

59 - “A Colored Elite Wedding,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, May 5, 1899, 3. return

60 - “Colored Society Gives A Benefit For A Sick Member,” Fond du Lac Reporter, May 26, 1903, 4. return

61 - “Negroes Meet In Convention,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, August 1, 1917, 2. return

62 - “1,000 Ku Klux Members In This City, Says King Kleagle,” Fond du Lac Daily Reporter, May 5, 1923, 2. return

63 - “Klan Lecture at Armory E An Orderly Affair, 1,500 Hear National Lecturer Talk,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, March 8, 1924, 5. return

64 - “Police Have Clue To Fiery Cross Episode,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, April 14, 1924, 5. return

65 - “Klan Meeting At Lange Farm, Huge Cross Is A Center Piece,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, July 15, 1924, 12. return

66 - “High Y Club Deplores Klan,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, September 18, 1924, 5. return

67 - “Klan Meeting Plans Changed,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, September 19, 1924, 5. return

68 - “Armed Fighting Men Guarded Klan Klonvokation Near City,” Fond du Lac Daily Commonwealth, July 6, 1926, 4. return

69 - Ibid. return

70 - Britain outlawed the Atlantic trade in slaves by its subjects in 1807, and the United States banned participation by its citizens in 1808. Beginning in the 1820s, the U.S. and British navies cooperated to help suppress the trade, but the Atlantic slave trade continued so long as slavery was legal in much of the Americas, that is, until the mid 1860s. return

71 - “Former Slave Passes Away,” Fond du Lac Daily Reporter, February 22, 1911, 8. return

72 - Mrs. Frances Shirley Interview. return

73 - “Mrs. Frances Shirley, Alabama Slave, Her 92nd Birthday,” Fond du Lac Daily Reporter, September 3, 1938, 3. return

74 - “Woman Who Came To City As Slave Girl 81 Years Ago Dies.” Fond du Lac Commonwealth Reporter, October 30, 1943, 3. return

Copyright 2002 by Clarence B. Davis. All Rights Reserved. Printed by Action Printing, Fond du Lac, Wisconsin.
Electronic publication by Fond du Lac Public Library has been approved by Clarence B. Davis.

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