Democracy Disenfranchised?: A Policy Analysis of Local Government Elections in Fond du Lac, Wisconsin
by Angela Hannemann and Todd Whittaker

This paper reports a study of the at-large system of city council representation practiced by the City of Fond du Lac, Wisconsin. ¹ It demonstrates that the current system creates the potential for sectors of the city’s population to be disenfranchised, even to the extent that such a sector may include a majority of citizens. Qualitative analysis of interview data provided by various members of the community, including local media, public officials and their staff members, former public officials, and historians, indicates mixed opinions about the system’s effectiveness, and enumerates both rationale for the existing policy and certain disadvantages. Survey results collected from city council members who served the city between the years of 1993 and 2003 show similar mixed opinion, but demonstrate clear majorities agreeing that a change to a ward system of election would facilitate greater diversity, lower campaign costs, more easily accommodate individual citizen needs, and provide the overall best representation for the community. In conclusion it is proposed that the city adopt a ward system for city council elections modeled upon those of neighboring communities in order to ensure proper representation and consistency with democratic principles.

Research was undertaken in an attempt to understand the nature of the at-large system of election and representation as in the City of Fond du Lac, as well as to evaluate its ability to represent the community. Also considered were comparisons with election processes in neighboring communities as well as at county and state levels. Conclusions and recommendations were drawn after a careful analysis of interview and survey data as well as information gathered from general city records.

Interviews were conducted by one or both of the authors at venues identified by the participants. These consisted of questions intended to elicit information about past and present election and representation policies, participants’ opinions for or against the at-large system of election, and the overall demographic makeup of the sample group. Approval from the Marian College Institutional Review Board was obtained prior to the collection of any data. Interviewees were selected in order to include varied perspectives. Representing the media, the editor of the Fond du Lac Reporter was chosen, and to achieve a historical perspective, so was a local volunteer for the Historical Society with considerable expertise in Fond du Lac archival holdings. The president of the 2003 city council was interviewed as a public official, and the city manager’s secretary as a staff member working for a public official. Two former city council members were also selected to represent past public officials and to share their perspective as citizens with past experience of public office. Data were gathered from local media, city databases, directories, informational material and statutes.

A twenty-six-item survey was administered by mail to city council members who served between the years of 1993 and 2003, with the request that the surveys be returned anonymously in order to provide information for a research project examining local government. In select cases where survey group members were members of the Marian College community, survey materials were delivered by hand, with similar provision for anonymity insured by requesting the surveys be returned by mail. The survey sample was compiled through examination of the records of city council members as listed in the City of Fond du Lac directory. Where better contact information was lacking, mailings were directed to the addresses indicated in this directory. The 1993-2003 ten-year time frame was considered appropriate for an accurate analysis of a recent issue concerning municipal government. Survey respondents were asked basic demographic information, and given the opportunity to agree, express neutrality, or disagree with a number of statements designed to evaluate both the at-large and the ward system of electing representation (Refer to Appendix for survey questions). If phone contact information was known for members of the survey sample, additional contact was attempted in this manner, after about one month, expressing gratitude for cooperation if participation had already occurred, and encouraging participation in case the survey had not yet been returned. Forty-five per cent of surveys distributed were received completed as of April 2004, when final data were analyzed. Several surveys were returned via U.S. Mail, undelivered due to likely out of date addresses.

Within a democratic system of government, even municipal government policy must be reviewed to assure its dedication to the principle of social justice and of fair and equal representation. Because of their fundamental importance to the democratic system, policies concerning election processes are especially deserving of attention. In the City of Fond du Lac, such careful investigation is warranted concerning the present policy of electing city council representatives at-large. Governed by a council-manager system, council members serve as the main decision-making body for the community. Rather than electing representatives from specific districts, council members campaign and are elected at-large, with no restrictions as to where they must reside. By examining the policy through different forms of analysis, from an overview of the issues through its historical, social, economic and political significance, an accurate portrayal of the policy’s effects and an appropriate evaluation of the policy itself can be made. This evaluation can then be compared to the views of former and current councilmen as gathered in the survey in order to determine the attitudes of those who have actually participated in governing Fond du Lac. Finally, conclusions about the election policy and the perceptions of that policy can be utilized to suggest whether it should be continued or modified.

The current at-large system of council representation seems problematic for the community for several reasons. First, it is possible with this system for one geographical region of the city to have a disproportionately high or low number of residents elected to the council. In this manner, a single economic class, ethnic group, or special interest group residing in one part of the city could dominate local politics, giving greater attention to their interests and ignoring the needs of those who are not a part of the elite faction. Permitting public policy to serve the interests of an elite minority is contrary to the concept of pluralism valued within and sought by our basic ideals of democratic government.

This issue was addressed in a survey distributed to current and past council members from 1993 to 2003. Respondents did demonstrate some consistency of economic status, with 62.5% indicating their income to be at least $50,000. Likewise, they had similar educational backgrounds, with 89% having some education beyond high school, and 67% holding at least an undergraduate college degree. All respondents were male, and 62.5% were over 60 years of age. In regard to political affiliation, 67% were Republican, whereas 33% considered themselves independent, and none reported themselves to be Democrats. ² These numbers show an overwhelming lack of political, gender, and age diversity amongst council members who served during the last ten years.

Theoretically, members of the council are to consider the needs of the community as a whole. Advocates of the present system, including the immediate past city council president, Martin Ryan, argue that if elections were held by district, council members would only attend to the wishes of those within their district, and might neglect citywide needs. ³ However, one may alternatively assume that citywide improvements, if they truly benefit the majority of the city, would continue to receive support from the majority of representatives. There would likewise continue to be an obligation on the part of each representative to advance the whole of the community, a concept clearly demonstrated at a national level, where congressmen/women are elected by individual states, but are expected to consider the well being of the entire country as well as residents of their districts. If district representatives narrowed their advocacy to the issues of their wards, at least each district would still be represented. If representatives elected at-large narrow their activism in this manner, entire sectors of the city and population may be disenfranchised. Furthermore, the community as a whole could suffer from a lack of diverse input, diminishing interest or frustration about government on the part of groups that are not part of the “dominant faction.”

Not only might under-represented populations have difficulty obtaining redress of grievances or consideration of suggestions, but impoverished citizens and even those from middle-class sectors of the community are likely to face serious difficulty mounting an election campaign that must reach a citywide electorate, due to the substantial financial burden reaching such a large constituency entails. Presently, Fond du Lac City Council campaigns must extend not only throughout a single ward, but throughout all of them. This election policy can be compared to the district system used for Fond du Lac County Board elections and to the size of campaigns required for Wisconsin State Assembly elections. The amount of funding required to conduct a comprehensive competitive campaign in the at-large system in Fond du Lac may be as much as $25,000. ⁴ The cost of each city campaign may be larger than what is required for county elections and approaches what is required for State Assembly races. According to the survey, 67% of respondents agreed it would be less expensive for a candidate to run in a specific ward system. Furthermore, 56% of survey participants agreed that electing representatives from specific wards would result in greater diversity among public officials. ⁵ These results suggest that a switch to a ward system might result in more diversity among public officials, including opening the door to greater involvement for those who do not currently have the financial means to run for public office.

Considering the identified problems of high campaign costs and a lack of council diversity, the absence of universality and regularity in the current policy design becomes apparent. Instead, a tendency toward selectivity and categorical allocation prevails. For example, ability to be elected to serve on the council, as well as ability to have concerns considered as a citizen, seems to be dependent on the following conditions: economic status, geographical location of residence within the city, and both the means and willingness to contact a large number of constituents or representatives.

The council members have the authority to pick and choose concerns to address without responsibility to a certain specific constituency. Such decisions may be further influenced by the will of financial contributors or one’s own financial interests.

A historical analysis may aid in understanding how such an apparently problematic policy originated. Formerly, Fond du Lac utilized the commission form of government, in which a mayor and two councilmen, elected at-large, governed the city. In 1957, Fond du Lac was the last city in the state to abandon this system in favor of the current government form, known as the city-manager plan. The city-manager form provided for seven councilmen to be elected at-large, and this policy has remained in effect for nearly five decades. The policy was initiated due to a general sense of public discontent with the former leadership, which seemed largely inactive and inefficient. It was approved by the electorate by referendum on April 2, 1957, and adopted by the council on October 12, 1957. ⁶ Currently, of the 190 cities in the state; Fond du Lac is one of only ten that utilize the city-manager plan. ⁷

Before leaving office, former councilman Lewis Rosser articulated his opposition to the current policy and stated that he favored a shift to partial or complete districting. ⁸ Earlier, the issue was addressed a few times in editorials to the local newspaper, but it has never been brought before the public in referendum form. Mr. Rosser’s comments did not result in any public vote or policy change initiative.

However, further exploration of election history elsewhere in the United States points to the problems of Fond du Lac’s current policy. In the post-Civil War South, at-large elections were used as a means of disenfranchising newly-freed slaves, and again, during the struggle for civil rights during the post World War II era, to discourage African-American involvement in local politics. ⁹ While present-day elections are less heavy-handed, it seems that mistakes have been repeated by perpetuating a policy wherein disenfranchisement of certain sectors of the population may prove likely.

The disenfranchisement that resulted from the at-large system has led to controversy and federal lawsuits across the nation. For instance, a U.S. District Court ruled on March 6, 2003, that Charleston County, South Carolina violated the Federal Voting Rights Act of 1965 in its use of an at-large system of election that deprived African-American voters of their proper political influence. ¹⁰ The Wagner School District of South Dakota was sued for similar reasons when it became apparent that the voting power of Native Americans was weakened by the at-large election of school board members. ¹¹ These cases provide examples of how it has been acknowledged elsewhere that the at-large system of election can disenfranchise certain voters.

Why has this system remained unchallenged in Fond du Lac? Perhaps those currently enjoying disproportionate power are reluctant to relinquish their control. It may be that the policy itself discourages change, inherently creating difficulty. Without substantial funding and political voice, those disenfranchised by the system find it hard to bring about policy change.

Based on interviews with current and former councilmen and other affected persons, it is clear that knowledge of the problem is fairly well understood. But who are the disenfranchised? What portion of the Fond du Lac community, if any, may be under-represented? Analyzing the place of residence of thirty-three past and present councilmen who served during the time period from 1982 to 2003, only five resided west of Main Street (with one of these five residing within one block of Main Street), only six resided north of highway 23, and twenty-four resided south of highway 23 and east of Main Street. This means that over 70 % of past and present council members resided within that one area of the city at the time of their service on the council. ¹² In order to interpret the data further, one must take into account the populations of these areas, not just their geographical size. Currently, more than 56% of registered electors in the city of Fond du Lac do not have a city council member who lives in their ward. ¹³ The majority of citizens do not live in the same areas of town in which the majority of council representatives reside. Furthermore, it must be noted through general observation that the area with the greatest concentration of elected representatives contains newer, more expensive housing. The areas in Fond du Lac that consist of lower-income housing have fewer elected representatives living among them.

Conflict theorist C. Wright Mills described a situation in which a particular elite group has seized the majority of political power. Mills suggested that this happened as a consequence of interaction among three levels of society: the power elite, the governmental planners, and the masses. According to this theory, policy made in this fashion is the result of the will of the elite, the efforts of the middle level, and the disregard or exploitation of the masses. ¹⁴ American sociologists David Riesman and Daniel Bell argued that, due to the democratic nature of the source of political power in the United States, Mill’s theory should not be applicable. They referred to the interplay of group interests, or various “veto groups” as fundamental to American democratic society. ¹⁵ When analyzing the political situation in Fond du Lac in relation to human behavior theory, one must question whether the current setting, because of its similarity to Mill’s model, can be conducive to the pluralistic tradition that is revered in American governmental institutions at all levels, including local government.

Other major social values relate to the problem of disproportionate representation in Fond du Lac. One is the value of achievement and success. It is assumed that only the “successful” are elected, due to the financial and political support needed to campaign. Those who have difficulty demonstrating “success,” particularly in the form of financial wealth, are “justifiably” excluded from political participation and their concerns easily dismissed because their lifestyle violates the value of achievement and success. Another rationale proposed in support of the existing system is the value of efficiency and practicality. This argument is used in favor of the at-large system because supporters of the policy claim that having councilmen represent the entire city eliminates arguments or internal discord that they claim would result from each representative advocating only a single ward’s needs. ¹⁶ Another value that might influence change in the policy is that of equality. The national philosophy of Americans is to allow equal political participation and fair opportunity for all. This value seems to be in conflict with the others mentioned above. The importance of pluralistic democracy is a commonly held value, one wherein every person’s preferences are considered. Disapproval of the currently existing election policy stems from a devotion to this value and a perception that it is not being upheld in local elections. The political situation in Fond du Lac, therefore, is one characterized by value conflicts, because although the community agrees in principle with the values of equality and democracy, these are mitigated by the conditions set forth in social definitions of success and efficiency.

Values form the basis of goals both stated and unstated. The main manifest goal in this case is to represent the citizens of Fond du Lac in governing the city effectively. Latent goals may be to maintain commonalities within the council that lend themselves to efficient decision-making without much dissent and to uphold the tradition of electing representatives at large. However, it seems that the goals of those on the council may be different from those who are disenfranchised, those who may hold goals to improve opportunities for lower and middle-class workers, those who seek to increase diversity on the council, and those who would change the election policy in order to decrease campaign costs and to provide direct representation for all districts.

The current policy is based on an implicit hypothesis that a city council that is elected at-large will be more efficient, coming to consensus more often and without delay because councilmen will not be focusing on their individual districts, but on the whole of the community, and because citizens may bring their concerns to any member of council, eliminating problems of one district’s representative being stronger than another.

This argument of efficiency may be misplaced, for it may be lost as citizens struggle to contact several councilmen hoping to convey their concerns, since none is specifically accountable to them, and also as councilmen receive telephone calls and other correspondence from citizens throughout the city, rather than focus on the residents of their districts. Notably, a majority of survey respondents thought a ward system more effective for individual citizens to address their needs, whereas only 33% thought the at-large system to be more effective. ¹⁷

Efficiency is lost for election purposes as well, as candidates must solicit support and votes throughout a larger area. Furthermore, one can make the argument that even if efficiency were improved by the at-large system, debate and compromise, not speedy agreement, better characterize the democratic system.

The at-large system’s rationale also is supported by the hypothesis that the at-large system produces election of the strongest, most successful citizens, those with financial/social status as their qualifications, and that this is preferable. This seems true to the extent that those elected in Fond du Lac do seem to be members of the upper-middle to higher- socioeconomic classes. But whether that is preferable is questionable. First, is financial/social status the most important qualification for office? Perhaps individuals can be equally or more qualified because of their experience in politics, management expertise, or exceptional communication/organizational skills. Perhaps people do not necessarily have to be wealthy or socially esteemed to possess the skills required to represent the community well. Secondly, is it preferable to have all councilmen come from similar backgrounds, or would a more diverse council better foster democratic government? Perhaps the community would be better served if council members brought to the table a variety of social experiences, ethnicities, and areas of residency. After all, America has emerged as a polyglot society, in which government at all levels must promote cooperation, understanding, and harmony among all groups. That is: government must lead by example.

Economic analysis is applicable to a policy such as this one as well. At a macroeconomic level, the policy seems to serve the city well enough. Many council members are business owners or hold well-paying positions in industry, and this may help attract businesses and jobs to the area. On the other hand, unemployment or underemployment are harder for workers to address when they have no specific representative responsible to them, or the ward in which their employer operates. For the city as a whole, the present policy seems to work well. Economic growth in some areas (especially in the area where most councilmen reside) seems to balance out the lack of expansion in other areas. But there does appear to be a growing disparity between the rich and poor, and these financial boundaries align with geographical regions of the city. It is also argued that the present system is cheaper for the city to operate. In terms of opportunity cost, the at-large system and district election would not significantly differ unless additional council positions were created. Even then, as council members are only part time employees, the changes in cost would not be large.

Microeconomic analysis paints a slightly different picture of the electoral system. If a comprehensive competitive election campaign costs $25,000 in the at-large system, few local residents can reasonably expect to be able to mount a credible campaign. Those who do manage to find the resources to become candidates may have to do so with the aid of special interest groups who might expect special attention once the candidate is elected. Under the current policy, when approaching city council with a concern, a citizen needs to contact all representatives, because any single member may have no particular interest in the issue, and some council members will have less political strength than others. The cumbersomeness of this process tends to discourage citizens from voicing their concerns and opinions, simply due to the amount of effort and expense required, and it tends to convey the feeling constituents have no “voice” to support their concerns. At a microeconomic level, the opportunity cost appears higher for the at-large system than for the district system.

Perhaps the most revealing analysis for this issue is a political analysis. Current council members must be perceived as major stakeholders, because if the policy changed to representation by district, several would be forced to move to a different district or lose political power, since they currently reside within what would become the same district. Members of the public who live in the same part of the city as the current councilmen and presently enjoy abundant representation may also be reluctant to alter the policy. The conclusion is that those in political power and their neighbors are major beneficiaries in the current policy and are unlikely to advocate for or support change.

The current electoral policy does have opponents, including most obviously those citizens who live in under-represented areas of the city and others who oppose the policy because of its apparent lack of consistency with democratic principles, and at least one former councilman who, after serving on the council, concluded that at-large election was unjust. ¹⁸

Politically, the present system has been defended by the assertion that it produces efficient city government, since district elected representation would result in time consuming debate over each constituency’s causes, as well as by the argument that it would be difficult to find candidates who reside in some areas of the city, leading to vacancies on the council. ¹⁹ This argument lacks substance, however, for district representation has been used in many cities and for Fond du Lac County’s Board without producing the kinds of problems that are ascribed to district representation by its detractors. The possibility of vacancies due to a lack of interested candidates does not seem to be a problem in areas where elections are held by district. In fact, more citizens may consider running for public office if the policy change were made, because costs would decrease if campaigns only needed to be mounted in a single ward instead of citywide. An understanding of the grounds for support of the present policy also must take into account the Fond du Lac community’s affinity for tradition. Some members of the council legitimize the policy because it is the way things have been done for the last forty-six years. Finally, there is the argument that citywide representation eliminates the possibility that one district could have politically weaker representation than another, and therefore be disenfranchised through ineffective representation. This theory is dubious too, for representatives within a districted system would be held directly accountable by their constituency, and weak councilmen would not be re-elected. Within the current system, it is difficult for citizens to assess the strength and accomplishments of an individual council member as that individual reflects their specific needs and interests. Perhaps a district electoral system would enhance rather than diminish the political strength of councilmen and thereby actually improve representation.

Not surprisingly, most council members who responded to the survey did not consider that their constituents were disadvantaged by the at-large system of election. Perhaps the arguments listed above explain why 67% of respondents did not think citizens are disenfranchised by the at-large system. ²⁰ However, though the current policy may have originally resulted from rational decision-making, these attempts to legitimize its continuation lack rational conclusiveness. The present electoral policy is an example of change brought about by conflict to the extent that, prior to 1957, citizens were dissatisfied with their apparently inactive city government. Perhaps the shift to a council-manager system was not the best direction to move, however, and a more incremental change might have been desirable. Nonetheless, the initial change to the council-manager form of government might have been justifiable, and the old system had also been based on at-large election, but it is not the purpose of this analysis to debate that action. At the time the election policy was adopted, it may well have fit the needs of the community. But recently, only 44% of survey participants thought that an at-large system represents best the people of the community. ²¹ As the community has grown in size and diversity, the next step toward improving the policy ought to be a shift toward district-specific elections. If the purpose of the government is to serve all of the people, it may be that it is time for a change.

One option for reform of Fond du Lac’s city council electoral system can be found by looking to neighboring municipalities. For example, the city of Sheboygan, which exceeds Fond du Lac in population by just over 8,600, employs a mayor-council form of government, and the common council is made up of two members elected to represent each of eight districts. Each electoral district encompasses two wards. ²² Recent proposals have been made in Fond du Lac to switch to a mayoral form of government, but that issue falls beyond the focus of this paper. Still, it is interesting to note that 56% of survey respondents favored the current council-manager system over the mayoral form. ²³ Regardless of whether the city of Fond du Lac maintains a council-manager system, or switches to a mayoral system, Fond du Lac might be well served to model its elections for council after Sheboygan’s. If it were determined that the number of representatives (16) who serve on the Sheboygan council would be excessive for Fond du Lac, perhaps each district could elect only one representative. If districts were to include two wards each, this would require the addition of only one member to the council, since there are presently 16 Fond du Lac wards and seven members serve on the council. Cost effectiveness at the city level seems to pose at most a minor issue, because the cost of operating a districted system would be equal or only minimally higher than the current system.

Fond du Lac’s current city council election policy needs to be evaluated as a whole, comparing apparent outcomes in relation to goals. In light of the problems described in the present study, one can assert logically that the policy of citywide elections does not provide the optimal method to represent Fond du Lac’s citizens. The present system gives unbalanced and unchecked political power to a group of persons who reside in a relatively small area of the city in which only a minority of its citizens live. By this measure, over 56% of the people of Fond du Lac may be disenfranchised in that they are represented by someone who lives elsewhere in the city. Furthermore, average citizens are deterred from seeking public office because of high campaign costs.

Analysis from various perspectives indicates that the policy of electing city council members at-large in Fond du Lac is detrimental to the successful functioning of a pluralistic democratic system in which all citizens receive consideration and fair representation. Reform of this policy would benefit citizens in many ways, whether they seek activism as concerned members of the general public or pursue public office. The number of cities in Wisconsin that use the at-large system of election is a pronounced minority, and alternatives are abundantly available through the example of other comparably-sized cities. An alternative to the present policy needs to be found in order to preserve democratic values and strive for social justice in the city. The most logical alternative would be to adopt a system of district representation for the city council. Of all survey respondents, the majority, 56%, believe that a ward system would achieve this goal, yet, respondents were evenly divided as to whether or not the at-large system represents the people best. ²⁴ It is clear then, that if the main goal of government is to effectively represent and serve the people, it is time to modify the electoral process to ensure that power is not held by a select few, empowered by the at-large system of election, and to enfranchise, through implementation of a district system, of all citizens according to their democratic right.

The research conducted for this project demonstrated both strengths and weaknesses. Analysis of information gathered from public record provided a strong demonstration of the concentration of representatives living in the same small region of the city of Fond du Lac. Interviews proved helpful in generating information and allowed for greater insight into former council members’ perceptions of the at-large electoral policy. While the survey gave substantial and meaningful data, however, a weakness apparent in the process was the inability of the surveyors to reach certain members of the sample because of lack of accurate mailing addresses.

In order to understand the problems caused by the at-large system more fully, it would be interesting and beneficial to examine the demographics of the Fond du Lac community as a whole in comparison to the demographic make up of the council, particularly with respect to race. More analysis might provide quantitative evidence of disparities induced by the at-large system.

Such further inquiry may expose the inadequacies of the present electoral system, yet more research into alternative policy may prove most valuable. While the focus of this work was limited to a comparison of the at-large and ward systems, it is appropriate that additional research inquire into the possibility of a number of alternate systems of representation as well as their possible consequences. One such alternate policy deserving attention is proportional election, specifically the policy of cumulative voting that has been applied as a solution in cases like that of the South Dakota school district mentioned above. This type of voting preserves the at-large system but modifies it by allowing voters to cast as many votes as there are vacancies, yet distribute these votes as they wish, making it possible to cast several votes for the same candidate in the same election. Such options merit further consideration.

Directions: Please provide a short answer to the question.

16. How did you develop your interest in public service?

17. What motivated you to seek public office?

18. Are you currently serving in public office? If so, what is your position? If not, did you serve in any public office since leaving the Fond du Lac city council, but before today’s date? (If yes, please list positions)

Directions: Please select the answer that best applies to you.

19. Years served on the Fond du Lac city council ___

20. Age: 30-34___ 35-39___ 40-44___ 45-49___ 50-54___ 55-59___ 60-64___ 65-69___ 70-74___ Over 75___

21. Gender: Female___ Male___

22. Annual income: $30,000- $39,000___ $40,000-$49,000___ $50,000-$59,000___ $60,000-$69,000___ $70,000-$79,000___ $80,000-$89,000___ $90,000-$99,000___ $100,000-$109,000___ Over $110,000___

23. Check the highest grade completed: Less than high school graduate___, Graduated high school___, Some College___, College Graduate___, Some post-graduate___, Post-graduate degree___

24. Occupation: County/State employee___, Small business owner___, Manufacturer___, Educator(school system) ___, Administrative Assistant___, Student___, Military___, Retired___, Other___

25. Please check the political affiliation that applies to you: Republican___, Democrat___, Independent___, Other___

26. What ward do you live in? (If not currently serving on city council, what ward did you live in during your time of office?) Ward 1___, Ward 2___, Ward 3___, Ward 4___, Ward 5___, Ward 6___, Ward 7___, Ward 8___, Ward 9___, Ward 10___, Ward 11___, Ward 12___, Ward 13___, Ward 14___, Ward 15___, Ward 16___

1 - The authors wish to express their gratitude to all those who have provided their assistance to enable the completion of this research project, especially to survey respondents for their participation. Special thanks are offered for the cooperation of Martin Ryan, the immediate past city council president, as well as former councilmen Lewis Rosser and David McPhail. Also helpful were Michael Mentzer of the Fond du Lac Reporter, Sally Albertz of the Fond du Lac County Historical Society, and Carol VanBeek of the City Manager’s Office. Finally, an additional expression of thanks must be given for the direction provided by Dr. Richard Whaley and the guidance of Professor Larry Reynolds of Marian College of Fond du Lac. return

2 - City Government Survey (See Appendix) return

3 - Martin Ryan, city council president, interview, October 24, 2003. return

4 - Lewis Rosser, former city council member, interview, September 25, 2003. return

5 - City Government Survey. return

6 - City of Fond du Lac homepage, available online: www.ci.fond-du-lac.wi.us/ return

7 - Curt Witynski, assistant director of League of Wisconsin Municipalities, 2002 New Officials Workshop, available online: www.lwm-info.org/newofficials/organization.html (link no longer functioning 11/20/2006). return

8 - Rosser. return

9 - Susan Gluck Mezey, review of Colorblind Justice: Minority Voting Rights and the Undoing of the Second Reconstruction, by J. Morgan Kousser, in Law and Politics, IX:6 (June 1999), 272-274. return

10 - Demos Network for Ideas and Action. Democracy Dispatches, No. 32. April 16, 2003. return

11 - Sean Cavanagh. “South Dakota District Sued Over At-Large Election System.” Education Week, May 1, 2002. return

12 - City of Fond du Lac Directories, council-manager government, 1982-2003. return

13 - City of Fond du Lac Voting Ward Map, City of Fond du Lac Election Statistics, spring election, April 1, 2003. return

14 - Susan P. Robbins, Pranab Chatterjee, Edward R. Canda, Contemporary Human Behavior Theory: A Critical Perspective for Social Work (Needham Heights, MA: Allyn & Bacon, 1998), 72. return

15 - Robbins, 75. return

16 - Michael Mentzer, content editor The Reporter, interview, October 24, 2003. return

17 - City Government Survey. return

18 - Rosser. return

19 - David McPhail, former city council member, personal interview, October 21, 2003. return

20 - City Government Survey. return

21 - City Government Survey. return

22 - City of Sheboygan homepage, available online: www.ci.sheboygan.wi.us/. return

23 - City Government Survey return

24 - City Government Survey. return

Copyright Clarence B. Davis 2005. Marian College Press, Fond du Lac, Wisconsin 2005.
Electronic publication by Fond du Lac Public Library has been approved by Clarence B. Davis.

Return to the Local History Manuscripts main page