The Shaping of a Mission: The Sisters of Saint Agnes in Nicaragua, 1945-1960
by Eric Czyzewski

Missionary work has always been an important feature of the Roman Catholic Church. For the last two millennia, missionaries have witnessed in Europe, Africa, Asia, and more recently the Americas and Australia. In general, most missionaries have difficult obstacles to overcome. Each Roman Catholic mission is a story within itself; some just make better stories than others. People and geographic locations are all different, but the goal is similar: to share and show God's love to the “less fortunate.” What is often forgotten or neglected in such stories is the way in which missionaries may unknowingly be changed themselves through their actions.

The mission to Nicaragua initiated by the Congregation of Saint Agnes at the end of World War II is notable due to the Sisters who began the work, the people to whom they gave aid, and the problems they struggled to overcome together. The work of these women demonstrates patterns of development in mission thinking and practice, and it illustrates some problems that Americans faced in understanding a wider world and that Catholics faced in reinterpreting their faith during the decades after World War II. Changes in America, the Catholic Church, Nicaragua, and the Agnesians themselves are important factors in understanding the Agnesian mission in eastern Nicaragua. Initially the mission reflected the naive and paternalistic ideology of America and the Catholic Church of the time, but that point of view changed through acceptance of cultural differences and use of teamwork to achieve a greater sense of equality with an indigenous people of Nicaragua, the Miskito Indians.

The Congregation of Sisters of Saint Agnes, founded at Barton, Wisconsin, in 1858, moved from Barton, Wisconsin to Fond du Lac in 1870. The move strengthened the Congregation’s links to the Capuchin order and stimulated an increased interest in missionary activity. Decades later, this linkage grew to include a shared interest in foreign missions between Agnesian Sisters and Capuchin priests.

In the 19th century, Catholicism remained Eurocentric, rule-bound, and paternalistic, and missionaries sought to transform “natives” into their own image. By the time the Nicaraguan mission developed, Catholic missionaries, and Americans in general, were becoming less naïve about the world and more aware that not everyone wanted to be “just like them,” but the older attitudes were still persistent. Agnesians already had experience interacting with diverse groups within the United States. They were working with Capuchins in New York City at Our Lady of Angels School, and at Sacred Heart School in Yonkers, New York. The Holy Family in the Bronx was yet another undertaking in New York. Collaboration also took place with the Saint Augustine Province in Hays, Kansas, Altoona, Pennsylvania, and other places. But the Nicaraguan mission was the first foreign mission for the Agnesians.

The Spanish Civil War of 1936-1939 provided an opportunity for American Capuchins to start work in Nicaragua as missionaries in 1939, due to the weakening of resources in Spain, the traditional source of missionaries in Latin America, especially a decline in the number of Spanish priests available for foreign mission work. ¹ Religious from other areas needed to be found to fill this gap. The peculiar circumstances of Eastern Nicaragua, with its heritage of ties to the English-speaking world and the Caribbean made it a natural place for such an enterprise.

For a relatively small country of 4.8 million people roughly the size of Wisconsin, Nicaragua displayed a considerable diversity among its inhabitants. In particular, many differences divided the East and West Nicaraguan Coasts. Separated by mountains and jungle from the bulk of Nicaragua, the Caribbean lowlands lie in the East and are the home of the Miskito, Creole, as well as Mestizo ethnic groups. ² The Pacific lowlands and Central highlands are mainly inhabited by Mestizo people and others of European descent. The geographic separation of the East and West Coasts of Nicaragua had both political and religious ramifications. For example, most of the 70,000 Miskito Indians are nominal Protestants. While the Spanish left their influence in the West on language and Catholic religion, British protectorates in the East brought Protestantism and the English language. Because of Bluefields’ East Coast location and British influence, English is the primary language in the town, with Miskito and Spanish spoken as secondary languages.

Although Catholicism is the dominant religion in Nicaragua, there are significant numbers of Episcopalians, Anabaptists, and even Jews. One of the Anabaptist groups, the Moravians claims the largest percentage of the East Coast Miskito population. The East Coast includes roughly 20 per cent of the total population of Nicaragua, but numbers are rising due to an influx of Mestizos into the area.

Catholic mission activity in Eastern Nicaragua had already been established for decades before the Agnesian mission began. On December 2, 1913, Pope Pius XI issued a decree that established a new missionary territory, the Vicariate of Bluefields in Nicaragua, which he entrusted to the Spanish Capuchins. The Bluefields mission covered about forty per cent of the entire Republic of Nicaragua. Pope Pius chose Bluefields as the center of the work in the eastern half of Nicaragua because the coastal town was the largest in the region (8,000 people). Waspam, where the Agnesian Sisters first set up their clinic and school, was the heart of Miskito Indian territory in the northeastern corner of Nicaragua on the Rio Coco. Due to its geographical position and lack of communication, the region was cut off from Catholic influences from the West Coast, including the capital, Managua. Indeed the region had only been integrated into Nicaragua in 1896. There has been no noticeable tension between the Catholics and Moravians on the East Coast. In fact, there has been cooperation between the Moravians and Agnesians in Bluefields. The Bluefields mission entered the hands of American Capuchins on October 12, 1938, when the Capuchin Province in Detroit was entrusted with the region. Thus, North American Catholics began their religious influence in Eastern Nicaragua. ³

Pope Pius XI (1922-1939), known as “Pope of the Missions,” actively engaged in shaping modern mission activities and philosophies. His work included many changes to the missions, including the Bluefields missions. ⁴ A major goal was to promote education of native religious, evident in Bluefields. Active later in the Agnesian mission, for example, were Sister Mary Terisita Inés Argüello and Sister Mary Rosa Inés Silva, from Bluefields and San Marco respectively. Both women applied for admission to the Agnesian Order in 1948, both professed their vows in Fond du Lac, and both later taught at Waspam. ⁵

In 1924, Pope Pius requested five Capuchin priests from Spain to work in the new Vicariate, after years in which many Spanish priests had been persecuted and ousted from Nicaragua. Spanish Reverend Agustin Bernaus y Serra was the first Bishop of Bluefields, serving until 1930. ⁶ Reverend Serra had many years of experience as a missionary. In 1915, Fray Diego de Barcelona had been the first Capuchin to work among the Miskito Indians. Speaking of “these neglected people,” he said “It’s the work of God that we do not abandon them.” ⁷ He was one of many who thought of the “natives” as children for the Church to convert and change, rather than as equals in the struggle through life. In 1925, Pope Pius XI organized the great Missionary Exhibition in Rome in order to highlight the success of missionaries in “reconquering” areas for Christ and to emphasize the massive problems connected with their work. Coinciding with the Dollar Diplomacy and military interventionism of American diplomatic ideology in 1925, Catholic leaders were only beginning to take time to accept that the “natives” did not necessarily want to be changed. For example, while Pius XII consecrated native bishops throughout the world, there was no native Nicaraguan bishop in Bluefields, nor would there be for years after the Agnesian mission began. ⁸

One of the first Capuchin Americans, Matthew Niedhammer, had arrived in Bluefields, the largest town on the eastern coast of Nicaragua in 1939 as a missionary, and he later became the third Vicar Apostolic and first American to take the post as bishop on September 21, 1943. ⁹ Niedhammer's consecration in Nicaragua was significant because it indicated that Pius believed Bluefields needed an outsider, whereas he promoted indigenous leadership elsewhere. One explanation could be that the Latin American missionaries were young compared to those in Asia. It is also quite possible he took this action because the United States was becoming important not only in world politics but within Catholicism as well, thus indicating an increase in American political and economic influence in the area. Nicaragua had, after all, been occupied by United States Marines almost continuously from 1912 until 1933, and the United States continued to exercise enormous influence. And of course most Nicaraguan Catholics had a Hispanic and Managua-focused heritage that was likely to make them suspect among Anglophone Bluefields elites.

Bishop Niedhammer’s own development helps explain his involvement with the Angesians in the Waspam mission. A New Yorker, Bishop Niedhammer was born September 21, 1901 and attended Our Lady Queen of Angels School, a Capuchin Parish where several Agnesian Sisters taught. Mother Angeline Kamp, Mother Superior of CSA in 1945, had once been the school's principal. ¹⁰ It was therefore natural that he turned to these same Sisters in his quest for teachers, and this was the reason that Agnesians were invited to Bluefields.

Fulfilling Bishop Niedhammer's request meant an expansion of the Agnesian missions. American Capuchin Bishop Niedhammer sought to get even more Americans involved in what had been a primarily Spanish missionary region. Most missions around the world were still European in origin and were conducted by international orders. As a religious order, the Congregation of Saint Agnes is unusual in that it does not have headquarters in Rome and is autonomous. By the 1940s, more American orders were maturing and involving themselves in the world scene. But initial American efforts seemed to mirror European paternalism.

Although the Agnesian Sisters had the distinction of being the first women from Wisconsin to run a foreign mission, there has been considerable involvement in domestic and foreign missions by female orders from Wisconsin. ¹¹ The Dominican Sisters have traveled nation-wide doing missionary work, primarily in education. The Sisters of Our Lady of Charity of Refuge, in Green Bay, were invited to Buffalo, New York, to help local girls with guidance. Later, on the world scene, the School Sisters of Notre Dame, Mequon Province, went to Paraguay in December 1966, after an invitation by Reverend William E. Cousins, Archbishop of Milwaukee. The School Sisters did not run this mission, but they contributed much needed aid as support workers. More recently, the Schoenstatt Sisters of Mary, originally from Germany, went to the Dominican Republic in 1973 on an educational mission.

At the same time that the Agnesians were invited to Bluefields, the Maryknoll Sisters from New York, another order of American nuns, was also asked to work with the Capuchins and Miskito people. Although the Maryknoll Sisters were an international order and had foreign missions in countries such as China, the Sisters who traveled to Nicaragua were all Americans. In 1944, the Maryknollers went to Managua. ¹² Bishop Niedhammer wrote about the Maryknoll Sisters and their progress to Mother Angeline to explain what the Agnesians might experience in Nicaragua. ¹³ Paralleling what the Agnesians aimed to do in Bluefields, the Maryknollers established a clinic, a school, and provided spiritual guidance. The Maryknoll Sisters left Nicaragua to pursue other missions on December 15, 1968.

Niedhammer wanted the two groups to follow the same basic guidelines, but he sought to stake out separate territories for them. He preferred their respective missions to remain separate because he feared the missions becoming too entangled in each other's affairs. Geographic separation by distance and mountains helped maintain this autonomy. The Maryknoll and Agnesian Sisters did communicate every few months in order to smooth the way for the Agnesians' arrival.¹⁴ One member of the Congregation, Sister Mary Agnes, went to the Maryknoll Congregation to consult them about necessary arrangements and obtained the good advice that Agnesians should stay with Madre Fransesca in Managua for a few weeks upon their arrival, just as the Maryknollers had done. ¹⁵ Madre Francesca, a Spanish member of the Asuncion order, familiarized the Agnesians with local customs, helped them adjust living conditions in Nicaragua, and provided some instruction in Spanish, especially much needed speaking practice in the language. ¹⁶

Was it merely the accident of Bishop Niedhammer's roots that led to the Agnesians being asked to go to Nicaragua? Besides parochial ties to the Capuchins and their Rule, modified by a Capuchin, as well as his early education in Our Lady of Angels, Bishop Niedhammer saw in this Congregation a highly motivated and capable group of women who were enthusiastic for such an endeavor. Their interest in education was well known to him, and mission schools were a major priority for him.

The Congregation itself had matured in many ways by the 1940s. They had grown to eight hundred members and worked in many parishes in the Eastern and Midwestern regions of the United States. From their headquarters in Fond du Lac, the women conducted 41 parochial schools, ran four hospitals, two orphanages, one college, an academy, a home for the aged, and a home for travelers. It is not surprising that Niedhammer believed that this congregation was bound to have a few members capable and willing to begin a foreign mission. ¹⁷

The Bishop's first invitation came in April 1941, prior to his episcopate, and another invitation to work with the Miskito Indians in Nicaragua came from Father Theodosius Foley, OFM Cap. on August 21, 1942. ¹⁸ Nothing was set in motion at this time, but fresh approaches by the newly appointed bishop led to reflection, prayer, and careful discussion by the General Council of the Congregation and a delayed acceptance of the invitation on January 3, 1945. A major reason for delay, of course, was American entry into World War II. Finances, building materials, medical supplies, and other various supplies or materials were very difficult to come by in a country mobilizing for war. Permission even to build Saint Agnes hospital in Fond du Lac was very difficult to get, and the Congregation could not imagine trying to get permission for supplies for a foreign mission from the Board of Priorities, a federal committee set up to allocate American resources during wartime.

The order’s preparations for accepting the mission actually began in April 1941 when Sisters Vera and Emma, two leaders at the time, went to Milwaukee to get information about procedures for entering a foreign mission field. ¹⁹ The women concluded that the expenses involved would, to a great extent, have to be borne by the Congregation itself. Two weeks later a General Council meeting was held to discuss the contract drawn up by the Capuchin Fathers. ²⁰ On December 10, 1941 the General Council dmade a preliminary decision to send a missionary in September 1943, a date that could not be met as World War II was still unfolding. It was at first expected that only one volunteer would probably participate. ²¹ Continuous correspondence concerning the contract and finances during in 1944 paved the way for formal acceptance. ²² Communication with the Maryknoll Sisters during 1944 was useful in learning how to prepare for Nicaragua.

Another major reason for the delay was a shortage of available nuns, given the order’s many other commitments. A questionnaire was used by the General Council to select the four women who eventually went to Bluefields, and there was no lack of volunteers, for ninety-two women filled out the questionnaire. But the General Council’s rationale for limiting the number of missionaries to four was that the Congregation could barely provide sufficient workers for their existing activities. ²³ Thus it was decided that only four Sisters could be spared to go in the initial group, although two others joined the mission two years later.

There is some evidence that the Agnesians were reluctant to undertake this mission. It has been noted that Bishop Niedhammer needed to make repeated requests to obtain the Congregation’s help. His persistence paid off. Through his continuous letters of persuasion to Mother Angeline, the Bishop finally convinced the Agnesians to head to Nicaragua for missionary work with the Miskito Indians of the Waspam region. ²⁴ His final success must have pleased the Bishop, for he later wrote to Mother Angeline “I must let it be known to heaven and on earth that it was I who convinced Mother Angeline that the Sisters of Saint Agnes who have been so close to the Capuchins ever since their foundation must not desert us in the first missions entrusted to us in Nicaragua.”²⁵

Nicaragua has dealt with many changes of direction in its economic and political development in the twentieth century, particularly due to political instability and changing dictators. Constant turmoil and poverty were the catalysts for political uncertainty. Many Miskito Indians were apathetic toward these continuous changes in government in far-away Managua. Most of the time they were unaffected by the changes, especially in matters of religion, at least until the Sandinista regime came to power in the 1980s. A Catholic perspective was that religion might become a stabilizing factor through moral guidance where politics failed.²⁶ A Capuchin priest once said that Miskito Indians do not plan for tomorrow, because there is little change in their lives, even throughout the decades.²⁷ Actually, according to the Spanish priest, the Miskito knows that tomorrow will be the same as today, which provided just as little hope as the previous day. The missionaries' goal was that faith in Christ would change many Miskitos feelings to optimism about their future rather than perceived hopelessness. Miskitos would learn that someone cared about them and that they could have a future through health improvements and education. Had the Sisters not learned that they as well as the Miskito must change, this probably never would have been accomplished.

This first experience for both the American Capuchins and the Agnesian Congregation from Wisconsin excited all of those involved, but of course they were not the first Catholic missionaries in Nicaragua. The Moravians were strong among the Miskito Indians, but Roman Catholicism had dominated Nicaraguan religious life since the 16th century, due to Spanish power and priests, and the religion remained unchallenged until General José Santos Zelaya, a Liberal, took power from the Conservatives in 1893. Many Spanish priests were driven out after the anti-clerical Zelaya gained control. Zelaya sought to remove all outside influences from Nicaragua, particularly American paternalistic influence which could undermine his rule.

Early in his career, Zelaya had incited anti-American expressions nation-wide and threatened to revoke economic concessions granted to American businesses. These economic interests included the three million dollars paid for rights to build a canal in Nicaragua, which was never constructed due to Zelaya's opposition to the idea of an American controlled canal and to American success in engineering Panama’s separation from Colombia.

Under President Taft's Dollar Diplomacy, American economic control over Nicaragua was exercised primarily by private investments from businesses like United Fruit Company. Government backing of these investments, however, stemmed from the view that America needed to be a father figure rather than an economic partner. American business and the federal government ended up exploiting Nicaragua and both benefited from the view that Nicaraguans were helpless and needed U.S. intervention to maintain stability. American influence was increasingly applied to the Nicaraguan government, and with a blend of diplomatic offensive, military strength, and American private capital, Zelaya's presidency was overthrown in 1909. This was just the beginning of American intervention. Americans perceived their economic interests to be threatened throughout the 1920s and 1930s. Despite the presence of American Marines, the United States gave little economic assistance to Nicaragua, compared to other Latin American countries. Nicaragua had less to offer economically than other Latin American countries, since it was one of the poorest nations in the world.

Although the United States had been politically at odds with Nicaragua, the Church and later American missionaries remained as uninvolved as possible in political diplomacy, concentrating on the individual Nicaraguans well being rather than the political system. Consequently, Nicaraguan officials tolerated, if cautiously, the American religious orders. America sent 2,600 Marines to Nicaragua when the 1912 civil war broke out, although the force was later reduced to four hundred. United States Marines sought to restore peace by their mere presence, which in turn would protect United States economic interests. By 1924, military occupation of another country had become unpopular in the United States, and Marines began to withdraw from Nicaragua. Revolution struck again, forcing the Marines to return in 1925, where they remained until 1933. The presence of Marines gave America some political clout through intimidation but in reality the troops did little except prevent another outbreak of civil war. Marine presence obviously had had an impact, because almost as soon as troops left in 1925 civil war broke out again.

United States Marines started what they thought to be their final withdrawal on August 3, 1925. The Sandino revolution, however, prolonged U.S. military involvement by eight years from the 1925 pull out. Had the Marines been present in thousands rather than a few hundred, they might have had an impact in stopping the Sandino revolution. This revolution was a citizen uprising led by General Augusto Cesar Sandino in 1927 against a Nicaraguan government that was backed by a small but formidable Marine force and the United States government. It is believed that Sandino was double-crossed under a flag of truce, ambushed, and killed by the National Guard in 1934, under the command of Antastasio Somoza. Terror and fear were unleashed upon the provinces where Sandino’s support was strongest. Peasants were butchered and the cooperatives destroyed. Missionaries in the country at the time had little influence. They could do little to stop the government except beg for mercy on behalf of the accused. Although much fighting in the first half of the century took place in Bluefields, the Miskito people of the Waspam region were fortunately unharmed and unaffected by most of the violence. Geographic isolation has kept the East Coast and West Coast regions from developing political continuity. The Bluefields vicariate was on the opposite side of the country from the capital, Managua, and the government paid little attention to the people in the area. Even after the Marines withdrew from Nicaragua, the Miskito were mostly left alone.

Motivation for final withdrawal in 1933 was President Franklin Roosevelt's “Good Neighbor Policy.” The American government sought better relations with all Latin American countries. American politics still took a paternalistic view of the world, and Americans were naïve to the fact that no other country wanted foreign influences as strong as those that Americans were pushing upon them. The American people, including President Franklin Roosevelt, felt that having the United States Marine Corps camped out in Nicaragua was poor policy for a good neighbor. There were other reasons for the withdrawal: the Depression, strained United States resources, and the Marine Corps, not designed for peacekeeping, were eager to pull out. On January 2, 1933, the last of the American soldiers left Nicaragua. This ended overt American military interference and political control.

“Stability” was now to come in a different form. In 1936, Antastasio Somoza, a Mason (historically a very anti-Catholic group) and one of the few non-Catholic Latin American dictators at the time, seized power. Without American military or political intervention to support his opponents, he was stronger than any Nicaraguan opposition for the presidency. At first Catholic missionaries remained uncertain about their future in Nicaragua. Three years later Somoza was “re-elected,” although never elected to his first term, and a new constitution was ratified. Little changed for the people of Eastern Nicaragua, partially due to Bishop Niedhammer. President Somoza turned out to be less anti-Catholic than had been anticipated, and he trusted Bishop Niedhammer implicitly, not only because of the Bishop’s reputation in Nicaragua but also because of his respect for the motto on Niedhammer's Coat of Arms, “that they may have life and have it to the full.” ²⁸ In Niedhammer's view, Somoza tried to respect this concept during his rule. The understanding between the two men was respectful, congenial, and diplomatic. Consequently, the Somoza dictatorship did not interfere with the Agnesian mission. For example, to help with finances Somoza allowed the missionaries duty-free Christmas gifts via mail each year. The four missionaries were even able to meet President Somoza at a political rally. They were introduced to him and his wife and talked briefly. Saint Agnes missionaries had few qualms about him, for the Miskito people never posed a threat to Somoza, and so he never challenged the mission. Miskito apathy towards national politics kept them out of any role in the struggle to overthrow Somoza. Much of this benevolent treatment can be credited to Niedhammer's understanding with the dictator, an understanding that the missionaries at Bluefields respected. The Catholic Church retained a favored influence in Nicaragua and remains to this day the dominant religion. This was easy to accomplish for Catholics, since they represented roughly 75 per cent of the Nicaraguan population.

In a country that recognized no official religion and had a troubled past with both the Catholic Church and United States, there remained much opportunity for involvement by American Catholics. Missionaries were successful in their work because they kept a low political profile. Missionaries were interested in changing the people, not the government. At first, that change was to “Americanize” and Christianize, but the role gradually took on more humanitarian goals that sought empowerment of the people.

Dramatic changes were taking place in the missionary scene of the world in the years after the Bluefields Vicariate was established in 1913. World Wars and a Depression had led many religious orders in America to remain at home. But the end of World War II freed resources for foreign missions. During the Depression, no orders in Wisconsin sustained missionary work abroad, for Depression-era mission work concentrated on rebuilding domestic parishes and assisting the unemployed and homeless in the United States. At the same time, the Catholic Church was worried about the spread of Communism. The Church feared Communism for its materialistic ideology, but also perhaps because Church leaders knew deep down that their own organization was in need of change, and the message of Communism presented an effective challenge. Such concerns remained private, however, and publicly the Catholic leadership in the United States saw itself as a community that aimed to defend and expand Catholic beliefs around the world, in the face of a newly perceived threat. ²⁹ Overseas mission work became more popular in a newly outward-looking America that had become the leader of the “Free World” and an economic pacesetter. There was a national cry for peace and international cooperation in the early 1940s, and Wisconsin was no exception. Catholic leadership felt that religious character needed to be preserved, along with rights of free speech, press, and education, in the face of a threat to those ideals and that these beliefs needed to be extended abroad.

So spreading the faith was not only a religious calling; it had become political and economic, too. The United States wanted to maintain its sphere of influence, and the Communist U.S.S.R. was deemed to threaten American interests. For Catholics, association by any country with the atheistic and Communist Soviet Union seemed to threaten Catholicism religion in general, capitalism and democracy. By spreading Catholicism, the American Catholics hoped to protect and expand their way of life. Spiritual success was linked to economic and political success. Tragically, historical political relations between the United States and many Latin American nations had been disastrous. On the other hand, religiously, relationships had been relatively successful, even in the Moravian-dominated East of Nicaragua. The Church could lead the way as a bulwark for American values in Latin America. Patronizing attitudes of American diplomats and military commanders failed, whereas teamwork and respect might work for the missionaries. At first the Indians did not like to be told what to do; they did not want Americanization, but they realized the practical benefits of the health care and education the missionaries had to offer. The Indian Catholic population (including Miskito) had a history of strong faith even though it seemed a bit weak as seen through European or American eyes. ³⁰ Capuchins and Agnesians wanted to change this perceived gap.

Bishop Niedhammer had outlined for the Agnesians what he considered to be the failings of the Miskito community in the mission statutes provided to the Sisters. Niedhammer listed child abandonment by one or both parents, poor education, competition among siblings for affection of parents, early initiation into sex, early responsibility in life, and lack of privacy as significant Miskito social problems. ³¹ The Bishop also laid out a set of criteria for the Sisters who would participate in the mission. They should possess stability in character, youthfulness (age 25-33), an academic degree, and perpetual vows. ³²

What the Bishop and Miskito Indians of Waspam received after much deliberation and careful thought were four Agnesian Sisters who were venturing into what was for them uncharted territory. Early in January 1945, the Sisters received yet another handwritten letter from Bishop Niedhammer requesting volunteers. Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff, Sister Mary Francis Borgia Dreiling, Sister Pauletta Scheck, and Sister Agnes Rita Fisette were selected by the General Council, based on ability and willingness to carry out the mission, as ascertained by their answers to a questionnaire. More than ten per cent of the Sisters had returned the questionnaire volunteering their services, though few of the nuns could have identified Nicaragua without the aid of a map. Typical of nuns at the time, the four sisters selected had each entered the Congregation of St. Agnes in their early teens. Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff was originally from Marshfield, Wisconsin, born Lucy Dickoff on January 9, 1895. On August 31, 1910, she entered the Congregation of Saint Agnes. Sister Francis Borgia Dreiling, born Helen Dreiling on February 10, 1907 in Victoria, Kansas, entered Saint Agnes Convent (SAC) on August 4, 1921. Sister Agnes Rita Fisette, born Gertrude Fisette on November 24, 1916 in Dollar Bay, Michigan, entered SAC September 26, 1932. Sister Pauletta Scheck, born Regina Scheck on August 18, 1895 in Berman, Bavaria, Germany, entered SAC on December 6, 1913. Thus, all had been in the order for more than a decade.

The Sisters brought a variety of skills to their mission. Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff, who was a registered nurse at Saint Agnes hospital and a registered dietitian with a Bachelor of Science in nutrition and a Masters Degree from Marquette University, was to be in charge of nursing and health education and provide overall leadership. She received training in midwifery in Fond du Lac prior to departure. Sister Agnes Rita Fisette, the homemaker and the youngest of the four, was to cook and care for the Sisters' home. Sister Pauletta Scheck and Sister Francis Borgia were to teach. ³³

Religious education, general education, and health were to be the main concerns of the nuns. Bishop Niedhammer and Mother Kamp had decided that it would be best at first to concentrate on care for physical illnesses through a clinic, in order to “reach the souls of their patients, “like missionaries of yore.” ³⁴ At this time the Sisters had the idea that they would change the Miskito to Christian ways. Good spirits and prayer would help the women keep their own faith, while providing health and education, it was hoped, would lead the Miskito Indians to learn to have faith. Over time, the emphasis on education and health as a vehicle for building faith changed into an emphasis on humanitarian aid and encouragement for leadership among the Miskito. Health and education were important, but the Sisters thought that if the Miskito remained dependent upon others, little would change in the daily life of the Indians. The slow rise of Indian leadership from their own ranks gave the missionaries hope.

Parting for the new adventure was an emotional affair. Each missionary was allowed a much-needed visit home before departure in order to say goodbye to friends and family and for spiritual support as they stepped out on their own as well. On August 16, 1945, these women left the Motherhouse in Fond du Lac for New Orleans. ³⁵ When the Sisters left there was a big send-off. The Marian College community flooded the entrance stairs to bid goodbye to their peers as the four Sisters each received their symbolic Missionary Cross. ³⁶ One Sister described the scene: “The venture filled the hearts of every Sister of CSA with joy, but the thought of a separation from loved ones, from and all that the heart holds dear brought tears to the eyes of all who gathered for the farewell.”³⁷ The nuns at Saint Agnes were so excited about their fellow Sisters going to Nicaragua that they helped them prepare and pack with much enthusiasm and care. ³⁸ An earlier departure might have been arranged had it not been for teaching obligations of some. ³⁹ The time from the official acceptance of the mission in January 1945 to the arrival at the mission site of Waspam on December 20, 1945 also left ample time to organize and prepare the supplies. Packing and shipping supplies began as early as March 1945, so that most of their materials would be waiting for the Sisters on arrival. ⁴⁰ Despite so much preparation, the Sisters were at times nervous about venturing into the unknown, for service by North American sisters in Central America was a novelty and almost unprecedented.

Parental permission needed to be granted before the women could leave for Nicaragua. This had been a stipulation by both Bishop Niedhammer and the Mother Superior to avoid any family conflicts. ⁴¹ Passports took a few weeks to obtain, partially because of what seemed to be endless paperwork. ⁴² To gain permission to work in Nicaragua for an extended period of time, the United States government required baptismal records, two passport pictures, a letter from the Mother Superior stating the reason for departing the United States, a $10.00 fee, police records and fingerprints, a visa, and a health certificate.⁴³ Immunizations constituted a problem because doctors rarely administered them, and consequently health certificates took some time to obtain. Many shots were necessary for protection from typhoid, paratyphoid, yellow fever, smallpox, typhus fever, and tetanus. ⁴⁴

Joking was often one way to lift one another's spirits. The original four missionaries often remarked in the beginning that they were chosen for the bishop because they were the “expendable ones.” ⁴⁵ Good spirits helped keep the women's minds off the disease, poverty, poor health and difficulties in education they faced, as well as the fact that they were thousands of miles from home.

A drive from Fond du Lac to the Chicago airport started the sisters’ journey. Once in the air, New Orleans was the next stop. Mother Angeline requested the Sisters of Charity in New Orleans to give the missionaries information and training on tropical diseases, particularly a course in parasitology by Doctor D'Antone of Tulane University and Doctor Walter of Louisiana State University. She considered that knowledge of parasitology would be extremely valuable in an area where various infections were endemic. ⁴⁶ This knowledge helped in disease prevention and rudimentary care.

The four missionaries arrived in Managua, Nicaragua on September 21, 1945. Immediately, differences of culture, language, and class from what the Agnesian sisters had known in the United States made themselves felt. In particular, there was the matter of language. Bishop Niedhammer had stressed that as much Spanish as possible should be learned prior to the Sisters’ arrival in Nicaragua. ⁴⁷ A crash course by high school Spanish teacher Sister Claritine Weng was provided at the convent. Despite their best efforts, this was hardly an immersion experience, and the Sisters found the Spanish they had acquired to be nearly useless when they reached Nicaragua. On their arrival in Puerto Cabezas before reaching Waspam, the Sisters' Spanish was so poor that they completely lacked understanding of their introduction to the mayor. ⁴⁸ Another memorable moment for all the Sisters and a classic example of language difficulties occurred when Sister Borgia misspoke a simple reply to a question. In response to how she felt she answered, “I am married” instead of the “I am tired,” and received a response from a Capuchin “of course, very married to the Lord.” ⁴⁹ Fortunately, while in Managua, Madre Francesca, who housed the missionaries at the Colegio de la Asuncion, helped out. Each missionary received her own Spanish tutor while with the Asuncion Sisters. ⁵⁰ Madre Francesca took the sisters into her home for three months and taught them Nicaraguan customs and how to adjust to living in the tropical environment they would face in Waspam. Staying with the Madre helped relieve initial tension and anxiety before the hard work began. They also began to experience the gulf between the ruling elite of the country and the poverty and destitution of ordinary people. Growing accustomed to poverty, a warm and humid climate, strange cultural traditions, new rules for behavior, and the novelty of Nicaraguan social classes were all considerable tasks for the Sisters. In exchange, the sisters taught English to high school girls.

Learning the Spanish language was evidently very difficult for the Sisters, but language acquisition at first seemed less compelling than other problems, although it turned out to be one of the biggest issues in improving the relationship with the Miskito people. Language helped in the transitional change from paternalism to partnership. Miskitos felt much more respected and at ease when the Sisters spoke Spanish instead of English. One may ask why, in this case, were non-Spanish speaking nuns chosen for the mission? Although none of the four missionaries knew Spanish at the time the Council chose them, they were well qualified in other ways to be missionaries in their fields and in their enthusiasm for the task. Bishop Niedhammer believed that the Sisters could learn Spanish, so he had not made it a prerequisite. More to the point, most Miskito children spoke only their own language, Miskito, an Indian language that few outside their own group knew, and this made teaching these children difficult, as learning the Miskito language had to be done entirely as on-the-job training. Even after spending a few months in Nicaragua, language remained an obstacle.

In the beginning, as predicted, none of the Sisters spoke Spanish very well. One missionary recalled that “most of the day was spent studying Spanish, then lunch, then more Spanish, and so on.” ⁵¹ To learn a language is one thing; to communicate using only that language is quite a different and more difficult task. Nevertheless, language did not become an insurmountable barrier, for it was faith in humanity, not language, which eventually bound the Agnesians and the Miskitos together. The Sisters’ language improved over time, building up respect and a sense of community between American nuns and Nicaraguan Indians.

An advantage for the Sisters was that many English-speaking Nicaraguans lived on the East Coast and especially around the city of Bluefields, so it was often possible to communicate in English. ⁵² The vast majority of Nicaraguans spoke Spanish, but on the East Coast the languages of the Creole, Sumo, and Rama people were spoken, and English could be heard as commonly as Spanish. For Miskitos, learning the Agnesians’ English meant not only mastering verb endings but becoming versed in idiomatic expressions, gestures, and tone of voice. All of the missionaries were eventually able at least to communicate, though without losing their American English idioms, and they eventually became proficient in Spanish, too.

The four missionaries finally left Managua for Puerto Cabeza by plane on December 7, where they became acquainted with other missionaries and Americans. A small plane took them to Waspam two weeks later, on December 20, more than three months after they left Fond du Lac. They found the Miskito Indians in dire need of almost everything the missionaries had to offer. Their new home was built in a small Miskito village in a clearing surrounded by forest on the Rio Coco seventy miles from its mouth. ⁵³ Waspam had few houses, mostly built on stilts to afford protection from insects, snakes, and other animals, but it was a center for the Standard Fruit Company, and a road to connect the town with Puerto Cabeza, forty-nine miles away, was under construction. The Miskito of Waspam lived simple lives, were quite poor by the nuns’ standards, and relied on hunting, fishing, and slash and burn swidden agriculture for their livelihoods.⁵⁴ As the Miskito people’s lives required that they frequently move from camp to camp, it was difficult for the nurses to keep track of their clinic patients.

The Sisters had never seen poverty such as they found in Nicaragua, but it did not scare them away, although they admitted to being a little afraid at first. ⁵⁵ An annual salary of $600 for each of the four Sisters made them wealthy in comparison to the Indians. ⁵⁶ The Miskito had no income except for a handful of cordobas they received in return for rice and beans sold to the few traders on the Rio Coco. ⁵⁷ The Miskito were so poor that the Creole elite of Eastern Nicaragua disdained and despised them, viewing the Indians as nearly sub-human.

The missionaries’ fight against poverty, lack of confidence, dependency, and a general feeling of hopelessness began with improving the Miskito people's health. But before health care or education commenced, the Sisters conducted a religious ceremony on their first night in Waspam, translated from Latin to Spanish by a Capuchin priest so some of the Indians could understand. The Sisters thought that this ceremony brought the Indians together with them as human beings in a spiritual manner. Soon, every Friday, night the Sisters taught religion, using what little Spanish they knew to study the Bible in hopes that the Miskitos would understand why the missionaries cared so much about them.

The mission statute, or guidelines, that Bishop Niedhammer had set out had let the Agnesians know the problems of Miskito society, viewed through the Bishop's perception of the Indians’ lack of faith. Fear of taking on new tasks, dependence upon others, yearning for love, lack of confidence, and aggressive behavior were all problems that the Bishop expected the missionaries to rectify. ⁵⁸ The missionaries’ chosen means to accomplish this was through prayer, education, and health care. Even to the very poor who could not afford any health care, the nuns gave charity, because it was their view that they could not let God's children suffer or die so easily. ⁵⁹ As soon as the Sisters arrived, they recognized that they needed to establish a bridge of trust to the Miskito. Education and health care alone would not accomplish this, the four women decided; they needed to be with people outside of these roles in order to relate to the Indians. Singing with them at mass or simply going to their weddings might accomplish more. ⁶⁰

Bishop Niedhammer's mission statutes had included various information for the Congregation. ⁶¹ The first and most important point stated that the Bishop and Capuchins entrusted the missionary work to the Congregation rather than to Capuchins running the clinic or school. This meant that the mission’s direction was up to them, on the condition that it would be “on Christian principles for the Glory of God.” The basic rules that applied to Sisters of the order in the United States were applied to the Nicaraguan mission in terms of everyday living. Canon law needed to be followed, but the Superior General of the Congregation retained power over the missionaries to maintain order and unity. Also included was the stipulation that missionaries would have to keep the Superior General informed of the progress, and that she might visit biennially. Lastly, Bishop Niedhammer stressed that missionaries needed to be well trained in the field in which they were to perform, such as health care or education. His thoughts were that there would be plenty of problems in Nicaragua, and he wanted experts in the field to concentrate on difficulties in the mission rather than worrying whether or not they were carrying out their jobs correctly.

Duties of the Regional Superior in Waspam, established by Superior General Mother Angeline Kamp, allowed better communication between the Motherhouse and the mission, due to the time constraints and distance. ⁶² These duties fell into the hands of Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff, who accepted the position from Mother Angeline on January 17, 1945. Authorization of travel within the mission field was entrusted to the Regional Superior, for safety reasons. In the beginning, the Sisters were naïve about the intentions of the local people and a bit frightened of them, so they traveled as little as possible. Financial stability was assured by limiting authorization for purchases to the Regional Superior. Arrangement for safekeeping of the vows and religious life through spiritual direction was accomplished in the same way that this was accomplished in the States. Annual visitations permitted a check on problems and progress of the mission.

The manner of dress was something that gave the Sisters no little difficulty once they arrived in Bluefields, where a tropical climate gave a new perspective to the matter of clothing. ⁶³ The Sisters were to wear the complete habit while in the chapel, oratory, or at prayer. However, the habit could be white. Similar to the black habit, it was pleated and attached to a yoke. Aprons could also be worn for work and school to keep laundry to a minimum.

In March 1962, seventeen years after first setting foot in Nicaragua, the missionaries officially changed their own dress code. ⁶⁴ The Sisters started to wear an open neck cap with sandals and white stockings while in the house. This change made Bishop Niedhammer very angry, to say the least, because the Sisters had not asked him for permission, as stated in an earlier agreement, thus undermining his authority. He refused to speak to those who wore the new style. Although Niedhammer gave them freedom over the clinic and school, in his view religious matters, including dress, remained under episcopal authority. The Sisters experimented with varieties of habits to accommodate to the climate and culture. ⁶⁵ Material for the habits came from the Motherhouse to avoid wasting time looking for suitable material in Nicaragua. Measurements for their habits had been taken before leaving Fond du Lac. The hem of the habit had to be three inches wide, and the habit needed to be four inches from the floor. Although this may seem conservative by current standards, for a nun living in 1962 it was a nice change.

To imagine a better picture of the climate change and necessity for alteration in the dress, just a little clarification is in order. Nicaragua's climate is sub-tropical, it is never cold in the lowlands. When the second group of Sisters came in 1947, it was 10 below zero in the Wisconsin winter. ⁶⁶ Winter weather in lowland Nicaragua seldom falls below 80 degrees. In addition to the heat, a change in the style of dress was deemed necessary due to dampness. In Nicaragua, nine months of the year, April to November, are “rainy.” ⁶⁷ It was not that the nuns determined the style of dress for themselves; it was the heat that determined it for them! The heat also produced problems in preserving food, for there were no freezers or refrigerators such as the Sisters were accustomed to use in the United States. ⁶⁸

In addition to climate, culture shock was also quite an experience for the neophyte missionaries. Poverty, tropical diseases and other health problems were fairly new to them. What might seem grotesque to Americans might be perfectly normal in Waspam. One sister observed a native mother picking lice from her child's hair and eating them. ⁶⁹ Local water was not potable, so the Sisters collected rainwater for drinking. ⁷⁰ Sister Mary Agnes repeatedly told the Miskito people to boil their water, or disease could incapacitate them. Unfortunately, they did not always listen. The nearby creek was used for bathing, as a toilet, and it was also the primary source of the Miskitos’ drinking water. ⁷¹

Water-borne disease was not the only health problem the missionaries faced, for other disease vectors were rampant. Common illnesses included intestinal parasites, tuberculosis, malnutrition, smallpox, and typhoid The first three diseases continued to trouble the mission well beyond the first five years of the mission, but smallpox and typhoid were defeated after a few years of vaccinations. ⁷²

Obtaining medicine was one of the biggest problems the Sisters faced in battling disease. Even if the Fond du Lac Motherhouse shipped supplies to Bluefields, it could be weeks before the Sisters received the packages. The solution to shortages was to concentrate on prevention rather than just treating every patient.⁷³ Gradually, the Sisters were able to obtain more medicine, bandages, and needles. Those supplies most in demand included insect repellent, syringes and needles, medicated powder, adhesive plaster, gauze, and lubricating jelly, but the greatest need was bandages. ⁷⁴ Rationing these items was necessary, as they were always in short supply and shipments of them were often delayed.

At first, any medicine was an improvement for the clinic and a gift, considering the meager supplies with which Sister Mary Agnes had begun her work. She had been initially armed against disease and accidents with just two bottles of aspirin and two bottles of quinine! ⁷⁵ In a conscious decision that helped the Nicaraguan economy as well as the patients, the missionaries decided to purchase as much medicine as they could in Nicaragua. Except for items purchased in Wisconsin and shipped from the Motherhouse, everything was bought in Nicaragua in order to support local pharmaceutical houses. Twenty years after their arrival, the nuns still bought medicine exclusively from the Catholic Mission Medical Board (CMMB), with the exception of small amounts sent by the Motherhouse in Fond du Lac. There was also a political aspect to the decision, for the operations of the CMMB seem to have had a positive affect on the attitude and tolerance of Nicaraguan officials toward the foreign Catholic missions. ⁷⁶

The Sisters always asserted that the physical needs of the Miskito people were always their first priority, but the health of the nuns themselves was a constant concern. ⁷⁷ A replacement for anyone who fell ill was not an option, and the work of the mission had to go on. ⁷⁸ Still, conditions told on the missionaries’ health, and later in the mission some Sisters had to return to the States on account of a need for treatment. ⁷⁹ Nevertheless, the first four missionaries enjoyed remarkable longevity in their work. Sister Pauletta Scheck served in Nicaragua from 1945 until 1949, when she returned to the United States due to illness. Sister Agnes Rita Fisette worked there until 1953, when she accompanied five Nicaraguan women who were prospective recruits to the order to the formation program in Fond du Lac. She did not return to the mission. Sister Francis Borgia Dreiling remained until 1953 during her first stint in Nicaragua, and she returned to Puerto Cabezas, an offshoot of the original mission, in 1958 and stayed in Nicaragua until 1964 or 1965. She traveled once more to Nicaragua, this time to Managua, where she lived from 1975 to 1977. Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff, the nurse and leader for the mission, served until June 1961, when severe illness forced her return to the United States. She died of cancer in December of that year.

Bishop Niedhammer originally had wanted six women for the mission, two registered nurses and four teachers. ⁸⁰ Constantly urging the Congregation for two more women, the Bishop received his wish when Sister Tarcisia Ullrich and Sister Constantia Esterbrook, both teachers, arrived in Waspam on March 7, 1947. Sister Tarcisia was assigned as Principal of the school, and Sister Constantia originally taught first grade and gave sewing lessons to older girls.

Within a few months after the Sisters established their clinic and school, Waspam changed from a village that consisted of a handful of families into a more vigorous community, as Indians from surrounding pueblos were attracted by the new facilities and medical care. The attraction of what the Sisters had to offer was undeniable. Costs on average for the improvement in Miskito health were $2.00 per patient, a vast sum in 1945 unattainable by the poor Miskito peoples.⁸¹

The Sisters saw improved health care as a means to help the Miskito realize their own dignity and potential as human beings and as Christians. The Indians responded; daily medical care saw new faces as well as old ones, often accompanied by smiles (sometimes toothless) from the thankful patients. There was a large influx of patients as soon as the Sisters arrived in Waspam, but the women were still seeing a steady flow of new patients five years after their arrival in Nicaragua. Twenty-three years later, by 1968, the Sisters involved in the Nicaraguan mission were seeing fifty patients daily at the clinic, not including house calls. ⁸² By this time, the Agnesians had built an extensive series of ties with the Miskito. Care was given to human beings, not “natives.” Health improvements had made great strides, but the health problems in Nicaragua were still enromous by American standards.

Once their initial work in the health issue had produced improvements, education became the next item on the Sisters’ agenda. Health care came first because only through stabilizing health conditions could Miskito children attend school regularly. ⁸³ Health problems continued to affect education. A classic example of an interruption of schoolwork due to health problems came in July 1968 when a polio epidemic caused suspension of classes. ⁸⁴

In a December 22, 1947 letter to Mother Angeline, Gaston Litton, Director of the American Library in Managua, a non-Catholic, summarized the progress of the school in its first two years. His praise, incorporating a very condescending view towards the Indians, came from a memory of when “In the afternoon we visited the classrooms which were so attractive and neat that the most fastidious would be pleased. It was easy to see how, in two short school terms, these little Indian children had crossed the threshold from ignorance, indifference, and nakedness to interested young model Christians.” ⁸⁵

Educational success did not occur overnight, or even in the first few months of the mission. Concerns over the health of the children kept education to a bare minimum until months after the nuns’ arrival in Nicaragua. Once school opened, on May 19, 1946, the first classes were held in the laundry room of the convent until the initial two-room school building was completed. ⁸⁶ Attendance was irregular in the beginning, because few Indians, children or adults, understood the benefits an education would provide for their futures. At first, roughly 160-170 children attended the school, though not all attended at the same time. Little boys often came to school in their customary dress, that is to say without any clothing at all, and it took some efforts by the missionaries to arrange clothing for them and to prevent them from giving it away. Language remained a problem, for half of the students spoke only Miskito. Fortunately Sister Borgia had a very bright trilingual girl in her class who could translate English into Spanish and Miskito while she taught Miskito to her teacher. The Sisters opposed separating students who spoke only Miskito from others on the grounds that it fostered class distinctions, a feature of Nicaraguans society that they found very discomfiting.

All the students began at a first grade level since none had ever gone to school before or had known about pencils or books; most Miskito were illiterate.⁸⁷ Although the students began at a first grade level, they were divided into groups by age. Senorita Lillian Cruz, a local volunteer, taught the oldest students. Sister Francis Borgia taught the intermediate students, while Sister Pauletta had the pleasure of working with the youngest. ⁸⁸ One method that the teachers later used successfully was to teach some lessons in English. One rationale for this practice was the hopes that some children might receive an advanced education in the United States. ⁸⁹ The Sisters also began to recruit girls to join the Convent of St. Agnes. ⁹⁰

Over time, education began to mature into the successful operation that Gaston Litton described. It took a few years before the Indians were “Christianized” and “educated.” In July 1950, 190 children regularly attended school, and only two Sisters taught. ⁹¹ According to the 1968-69 report from the Regional Superior, the school enrollment was 240 students, with four nuns and three lay teachers providing instruction. The report also announced the acquisition of rented texts. ⁹² Addition of workbooks and blackboards earlier gave the Miskito children an opportunity few poor Nicaraguans had. Capuchin Brothers completed a brand new school in the 1960s, when over 300 students were enrolled. ⁹³ The new concrete structure included a large auditorium for plays and social events.

The mission began to bear fruit in other ways. In 1948, the first Nicaraguan women made application to join the Congregation of St. Agnes, including Sister Teresita Inés Argüello from Bluefields, the largest town on the East Coast. During 1948-1955, twenty young Nicaraguans joined the Agnesians and traveled to Fond du Lac. ⁹⁴

The Sisters at Waspam faced adversity in many ways during those early years of the mission. Doing their own laundry by hand, ironing, cleaning, and cooking took time away from medicine and education, but time was always made for prayer. Within a year, the kerosene lamps used to light the mission were replaced by electric lights. On the first Christmas in 1946, Capuchin Brother Gaul Neumann surprised the Sisters by installing an electric light and two Christmas trees in the house. ⁹⁵ Brother Gaul became the Bluefields “handyman” and was dubbed “Fixum” by the Agnesians for all the planning, building, and fixing he did for them. He spent twenty years as the builder and constructor in Bluefields, credited as builder of the Waspam school building. ⁹⁶

Although the Sisters did the teaching and health care at the mssion, Capuchins were available to support their work. They erected buildings, and Father Herman Buss from Detroit was the pastor in Waspam and held the services at the mission. ⁹⁷ Twenty Capuchins from the United States cared for the people of Bluefields in 1951. This mission took a lot of work, and without the support of the Capuchins the Waspam mission might not have succeeded. Occasinally there were disagreements and disputes, and there was often frustration and homesickness, but the mission continued to function.

Other hardships ensued throughout the first few years of the mission. Some Sisters mentioned that the most difficult of all the tasks for both Capuchins and Agnesians lay in obtaining respect and love of the natives. ⁹⁸ This may seem a surprising assessment, considering the eventual success of the mission, but that was how the Sisters felt at first. There were other more tangible difficulties. The Sisters had a good deal of difficulty adapting to the local food. Upon arrival in Waspam, Brother Gaul surprised the weary Sisters with a table set with a “real American dinner.” ⁹⁹ Difficulties ensued in switching completely from American to Miskito food. The nature of the ingredients, lack of seasoning, and method of cooking all seemed unappealing to the nuns. Mealtime for Miskitos consisted mostly of a diet of rice, beans, and occasionally bananas, three times a day, and this could become boring rapidly. ¹⁰⁰ The rice and beans, and occasionally tortillas, were cooked in huge kettles. The Sisters ate many foods they did not enjoy, and new tastes in spices and textures took time to acquire, but nutritional requirements remained a concern in an areas where the basic foods were beans and rice. To remedy these problems, some Sisters opted to buy more expensive “American” food in the city or have it shipped from the United States, at least until they became accustomed to the local diet. ¹⁰¹ After settling into the mission, the nuns made their own pudding, bread, and even homemade cookies. ¹⁰² Native citrus fruits, coconuts, cassava, bananas, plantains, and pineapples continued to play partner to apples and peanuts sent from home. ¹⁰³

Food ordered from the States took time to arrive due to slow mail service from Fond du Lac to Waspam. After nearly a year, the women were no longer surprised that it took so long to ship supplies or food. Sister Francesca de Jesus from Fond du Lac managed occasionally to send the missionaries yeast and butter. ¹⁰⁴ It was not uncommon for mail to become lost, but with luck it was not the yeast or butter. Communication, both to pay bills and for spiritual support, was very important for the missionaries and for the Superior General, who helped locate lost care packages full of goodies from the U.S.

Animals of the tropics were one enduring source of anxiety for the missionaries. One memorable story of the mission was when the Sisters joined together to kill a black snake with a machete, rake, and shovel. The snake went under the stairs of the house, and the nuns tore up the place looking for it. Sister Borgia was conspicuously “a mile” away. ¹⁰⁵ Snakes remained a constant problem and threat to the mission. On another occasion, a boa constrictor slithered away, untouched, because Sister Mary Agnes feared that if she attacked the snake it might kill someone. ¹⁰⁶

Bishop Niedhammer and his successors were so impressed with the wonderful work of the Sisters that they requested more Agnesians for two other areas of mission work. ¹⁰⁷ At the request of Bishop Niedhammer, Mother Angeline Kamp accepted Colegio Nino Jesus school in Puerto Cabezas as a second Agnesian mission in Nicaragua in 1950. ¹⁰⁸ In 1960, the Christian Brothers, another group of American missionaries located at the Instituo Pedagogico in Managua, pleaded for Sisters of Saint Agnes to teach the primary grades in the Instituo. The Instituo is one of the finest schools in Nicaragua, and although the Congregation was hesitant to accept, due to concerns about their resources being stretched too far, all those involved ultimately deemed it a wise move.¹⁰⁹ Rewards have outweighed the hardships, and today there are still Sisters in Nicaragua treating and educating the Miskito people and other Nicaraguans, having survived even the trials, violence and divisions of the Sandinista period.

Why was the early mission successful? One reason this mission has continued for more than half a century is that the Sisters and Catholic Church stopped trying to assimilate and change the Miskito. Instead, they have taken a stance that the Miskito are not “heathens” and “natives,” but people to be made healthy and educated, while allowing their “native” culture to remain intact. God's call to fight this battle was answered by the Capuchins and the Congregation of St. Agnes, but the war has become a different one from that they originally envisioned.

Capuchin priests and Agnesian nuns worked together to make the mission successful, and the mission changed the missionaries in some ways. As American nuns became more involved in Latin America, political perceptions have changed. Politics and diplomacy seemed insignificant in comparison to improvements in health and education of the people, although this concept would be challenged during the Sandinista period in ways that deeply divided the Agnesians’ own views of the purpose of their mission.

Americans in the 1940s often thought of missions in terms of wild animals, strange foods, kerosene light and a host of people who hungered for the missionary to bring them the word of God and “civilize” them. Not surprisingly, the missionary Agnesians began their efforts with a paternalistic attitude towards the Miskito people. This was not hard for them to do so, surrounded by hunger, perceived injustice, and misery. The empowerment of the Miskito people came to be a goal of the mission instead of their cultural transformation. By suffering hardships with the Miskito Indians and learning to see them as people, the Agnesians gradually changed and learned that they were partners in Christ with the Miskito rather than teachers of Christ.

1 - Sandal Prints. Bluefields Mission Anniversary XII:2 Sept.-Oct. (Detroit, Michigan: Catholic Press Association), 7. return

2 - The Creoles of Nicaragua are described as “of African descent,” and the Mestizo are a mix of Indian and Spanish ancestry. return

3 - Sandal Prints, 1. return

4 - Antonio Galli and Domenico Grandi, The Story of the Church, (Garden City, New York: Image Books, 1966), 311-3. return

5 - Fr. Gregorio Smutko, La Presencia Capuchina, entre los Miskitos, 1915-1995, (Caragre, Costa Rica: Hecho el Deposits Legalartes Graficas, 1996), 130. Sister Vera Naber, With All Devotedness: Chronicles of the Sisters of Saint Agnes, (New York: P. J. Kenedy & Sons, 1959), 261. return

6 - Sandal Prints, 4. return

7 - Smutko, 71. return

8 - Galli and Grandi, 311. return

9 - Sandal Prints, 6. return

10 - Naber, 258. return

11 - Rev. L. Rummel, History of the Catholic Church in Wisconsin, (Madison, Wisconosin: Knights of Columbus, 1976), 155-162. return

12 - Sr. Mary Francis Louise, Maryknoll Sisters, A Pictorial History, (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1962). return

13 - Archives of Congregation of Sisters of St. Agnes, Foreign Mission File, Bishop Niedhammer Folder, 1944-1970, Letter of September 22, 1944. return

14 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969. Letter of January 17, 1945. return

15 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Bishop Niedhammer Folder, Letter of March 5, 1946. return

16 - Naber, 259. return

17 - Bishop Matthew Niedhammer, “The Sisters of St. Agnes Come to Nicaragua,” The Cowl, Vol. 10, (1946), 54. return

18 - Annals of the Congregation of St. Agnes, CSA Archives. return

19 - Annals, CSA Archives, April 11, 1941. return

20 - Ibid., April 24, 1941. return

21 - Ibid., December 10, 1941. return

22 - Annals, CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Sister Francis Borgia Correspondence, File 1, undated. return

23 - CSA Archives, June 8, 1945. return

24 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Bishop Niedhammer Folder, 1944-1970. return

25 - Quoted in Naber, 258. return

26 - Statement of the United States Catholic Conference on Central America, 1982. return

27 - Sandal Prints, 45. return

28 - Annals, CSA Archives, December 3, 1941. return

29 - G. Flynn, Roosevelt and Romanism, (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976), 130. return

30 - “Relatio Missionis de Bluefields 1950,” Analecta Ordines Fratrum Minorum Capuccinorum, (Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 1951), 225. return

31 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Statutes Folder, undated. return

32 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mother Rosita Correspondence. return

33 - Ibid. return

34 - Naber, 258. return

35 - Mary Agnes Dickoff, CSA, Chronological Data of the Mission in Waspam, September 15, 16, 17, 1945. Naber, 258, lists the departure date as September 12, the feast of the Holy Name of Mary. return

36 - CSA Archives, Dreiling Historical Memoirs. NICA 1945-1977, 12-13. return

37 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, undated letter. return

38 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Pioneer Missionaries Folder. return

39 - CSA Archives, Bishop Niedhammer, 1944-1970, October 5, 1944. return

40 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter from Sr. Mary Agnes, March 15, 1945. return

41 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Pioneer Missionaries Folder. return

42 - Ibid. return

43 - CSA Archives, Foreign Missions File, Bishop Niedhammer Folder. return

44 - CSA Archives, Foreign Missions File, Pioneer Missionaries Folder. return

45 - CSA Archives, Foreign Missions File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs, 38. return

46 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter from Sister Mary Agnes, undated. return

47 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Bishop Niedhammer Folder, 1944-1970. return

48 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder 1945-1969. return

49 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs. NICA 1945-1977, undated. return

50 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission, September 5, 1945. return

51- CSA Archives, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission, September 5, 1945. return

52 - Sandal Prints, 6. return

53 - Ibid. return

54 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Work Folder, Letter from Sr Mary Agnes. return

55 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs. return

56 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Sister Francis Borgia Correspondence, File 1, April 27, 1944. return

57 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission, 6. return

58 - Ibid. return

59 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Statutes Folder. return

60 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969. return

61 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Statutes Folder. return

62 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Statutes Folder, Duties of Regional Superior. return

63 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Mission Statutes Folder. return

64 - Ibid., March 1962. return

65 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, Letter of August 8, 1957. return

66 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter to Sister M. Agnes, September 29, 1959. return

67 - CSA Archives Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder 1945-1969, January 17, 1945. return

68 - CSA Archives Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder 1945-1969. return

69 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters to Sister M. Agnes, Letter 26. return

70 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters from Sister M. Agnes, Letter 15-4. return

71 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters from Sister M. Agnes, Letter 15-3. return

72 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, June 1968 Chronicle. return

73 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters to Sister M. Agnes, undated. return

74 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters to Sister M. Agnes, February 20, 1946. return

75 - CSA Archives,, Foreign Mission File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs, 46. return

76 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, 1966-67 Chronicle. return

77 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters from Sister Mary Agnes. return

78 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, October 22, 1957. return

79 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters from Sister Mary Agnes. return

80 - CSA Archives, Bishop Niedhammer Folder, transcript of interview with Niedhammer. return

81 - Ibid. return

82 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letters from Sister Mary Agnes, 1968-69 Report. return

83 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, undated. return

84 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969. return

85 - Naber, 261. return

86 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs, NICA 1945-1977. return

87 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, 9. return

88 - Naber, 260. return

89 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Dreiling Historical Memoirs, NICA 1945-1977. 75. return

90 - Naber, 261. return

91 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder 1945-1969. return

92 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, 1968-69 Report. return

93 - Sandal Prints, 34. return

94 - Information provided by Sister Margaret Lorimer, CSA. return

95 - Naber, 260. return

96 - Sandal Prints, 42. Naber, 260, construes the nickname as “Brother Fix-em.” return

97 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission. return

98 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Pamphlet, Divina Pastora Society, May 1949, 12. return

99 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission, 4. return

100 - Sandal Prints, 41. return

101 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969. return

102 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Foilder, 1945-1969, Letter 26. return

103 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter from Sister Francesca de Jesus to Sister Mary Agnes Dickoff,, April 23, 1946. return

104 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter from Sister Francesca de Jesus, February 10, 1946. return

105 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Waspam Folder, 1945-1969, Letter 26. return

106 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Letter from Sister Mary Agnes, undated. return

107 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Requests for Mission Service Folder, January 7, 1972. return

108 - Naber, 261. return

109 - CSA Archives, Foreign Mission File, Historical Accounts of Nicaraguan Mission, 12. return

Copyright Clarence B. Davis 2005. Marian College Press, Fond du Lac, Wisconsin 2005.
Electronic publication by Fond du Lac Public Library has been approved by Clarence B. Davis.

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